第9章 海德堡時期：成為焦點人物(6)
Berlin’s Offer
But as Hegel was, all in all, comfortably settling into his Heidelberg professorial life, other matters were afoot. After Hegel had turned down the offer from Berlin, the faculty there decided that they did not wish to make an offer at that time to any other philosopher; the faculty therefore simply deferred making any such offer until a man of “deci? sive reputation,” as they put it, could be found to fill the position."* Fichte’s old chair thus remained vacant, and many among the faculty blamed the minister in charge of the university’s affairs, K. F. von Schuckmann, for the difficulties in securing a philosopher for the empty position. Von Schuckmann was by temperament ill-disposed to philos? ophers in general, suspicious — as Friedrich von Raumer put it — that “with their conjurer’s abracadabra they intended to be the masters of the world.But in the climate of reform in the Prussian government, the faculty’s displeasure with von Schuckmann led to a shake-up in the ministries, and the cultural ministry was separated from von Schuckmann’s ministry of the interior.
柏林的邀請
? ? 可是，最重要的是，當黑格爾舒心樂意地過著海德堡教授生活的時候，其他一些事情同樣也正在進行中。在黑格爾婉拒了柏林大學的邀請后，哲學系決定不希望向那時任何其他的哲學家發出邀請，哲學系因此只不過是推遲發出這樣的邀請，直到一位“有著鼎鼎大名”的人，像哲學系表態的，可能被找到填補這個職位為止。費希特的原職位因此依然虛位以待，柏林大學很多教職工指摘掌管大學事務的大臣K.F.馮·舒克曼，因為很難找到一位哲學家來填補這個空缺職位。馮·舒克曼大體上生性不喜歡哲學家，以懷疑口吻說道——像弗里德里希·馮·勞黯爾指出的——“以巫師般的咒語，哲學家們打算成為世界的主人。”然而在普魯士政府改革的大環境下，柏林大學教職工對馮·舒克曼的不滿導致了學校相關系的改組，文化部最終被從馮·舒克曼的內政部劃分出來。
On November 3, 1817, the position of minister of culture (although at first the position was not called that) was assumed by Karl Sigmund Franz Freiherr vom Stein zum Altenstein. Altenstein, like Hegel, had been born in 1770; he and Hegel shared not only the same generational experience of the Revolution, the Napoleonic incursions into Germany, and the so-called “wars of national liberation,” but also a similar outlook with regard to the shape and pace of reforms and the crucial role of Btldung and of the universities in the new and still emerging social order. Moreover, Altenstein was not only acquainted with Hegel’s pub? lished works, he and Hegel had some common friends, such as Sulpiz Boisseree, who pushed Hegel’s cause with Altenstein. (Thomas Seebeck, Immanuel Hegel’s godfather, was also a friend of Altenstein’s, although Hegel’s break with Seebeck did not really help matters there.) Altenstein’s ascension to the leadership of the culture ministry therefore put the matter of Hegel’s appointment immediately back into play.
? ? 1817年11月3日，文化部主任職務（盡管起初這個職位不是這樣叫的）由卡爾·西格蒙德·弗朗茨·弗賴赫爾·馮·施泰因，聰·阿爾滕施泰因擔任。阿爾滕施泰因，像黑格爾一樣，生于1770年。他和黑格爾這代人不僅都共同經歷了法國大革命、拿破侖對德國的入侵、所謂的“民族解放戰爭”，而且在改革應采取怎樣的形式和節奏、教育和大學在新的仍在形成中的社會秩序方面起到何種至關重要的作用這些問題上，也都有著極其相似的見解。尚不止于此，阿爾滕施泰因不僅對黑格爾已經發表的作品如數家珍，而且他和黑格爾還有著一些共同的朋友，例如蘇爾皮斯·波瓦塞雷（此君推動了黑格爾與阿爾滕施泰因的事業）。（托馬斯·澤貝克這位伊曼努爾·黑格爾的教父同樣也是阿爾滕施泰因的友人，盡管黑格爾同澤貝克的決裂確實沒有影響到阿爾滕施泰因跟澤貝克的關系。）阿爾滕施泰因升任文化部領導后，因此迅速重新把黑格爾的任職提到了議事日程上來。
Altenstein set to work at once to get Hegel to come to Berlin. He personally wrote a letter to Hegel on December 26, 1817 (rather than have a scribe copy it for him), inviting him to assume Fichte’s chair.? (Altenstein apparently went through three drafts of the letter until he felt he had gotten it just right.) The letter itself was extremely flattering to Hegel, praising him and noting how much Altenstein wished to have him in Berlin: “I am not misjudging the obligations which could detain you in Heidelberg, but you have yet greater obligations to science for which a wider and more important circle of influence is open to you here. You know what Berlin can offer you in this regard.”'^'* Altenstein promised to use his position to assist Hegel and offered him a salary of 2,000 Prussian Courants (Thalers) and a promise to provide something extra to cover the cost of moving. This was a sizable raise; Hegel had been getting 1,500 florins at Heidelberg; the salary being offered to him in Prussia was equivalent by Hegel’s own calculations to about 3,500 florins.'^'
? ? 阿爾滕施泰因同時著手運作把黑格爾弄到柏林來。他于1817年12月26日親自致信黑格爾（而非讓秘書代寫），誠邀黑格爾擔任費希特原職務。（現在看來，阿爾滕施泰因顯然對這封信三易其稿，直到他自己覺得已把信寫得恰如其分為止。）這封信本身極度討好黑格爾，對黑格爾大加贊揚并表露阿爾滕施泰因多么希望將黑格爾弄到柏林：“我并非在錯看那可能使你在海德堡無法分身的責任，但是，你還有對科學的更大義務，對于科學而言，一個頗具影響的領域在向你張開雙臂，遠在天邊近在眼前的這個領域看來更加寬廣和更加重要。你心知肚明柏林能夠在這方面向你提供何種東西。”阿爾滕施泰因承諾利用自己的職務之便提攜黑格爾，向他開出2000普魯士庫朗特（泰勒）的薪水，承諾提供額外款項以沖抵他的搬家費。薪水漲幅相當大；黑格爾在海德堡時一直只能拿到1500弗羅林的薪水；普魯士開出的薪水按黑格爾自己的估算大概相當于3500弗羅林。
Hegel was delighted with the offer, which to his mind had come at just the right time. Hegel had become quite worried about Baden’s future (and therefore Heidelberg’s future) after the death of the grand duke of Baden; there were rumors afloat that the Wittelsbach dynasty (that is, the Bavarians) were going to do their best to reclaim the Palatinate, having never quite gotten over being constrained to cede it to Baden in the first place, and the very last thing Hegel wanted was to fall back under Bavarian rule. He therefore replied on January 24, 1818, that he would love to accept the position for all the reasons that Alten? stein had mentioned, but, playing his cards carefully, noted that due to his own lack of “personal fortune” and his duties as head of a house? hold, he could not accept the offer without some other matters being cleared up. As he told Altenstein, the cost of living and housing was much greater in Berlin than in Heidelberg, and it would quickly con? sume the sizable raise he was getting; moreover, he had just gone through the trouble of furnishing and preparing a house in Heidelberg, and he simply did not have the money to do that again so soon; and, finally, the payments he had already made into the widows and orphans fund (the pension fund) at Heidelberg would be completely lost were he to move to Berlin. (That Hegel was twenty-one years older than his wife made this last consideration extremely important to him.) He suggested to Altenstein that if the government were to provide him with a free apartment, that would perhaps expedite things, and he also informed him that he would request 200 Friedrichs d’or (1,000 Thalers) as compensation for moving expenses.
? 黑格爾對這份邀請感到非常高興，這份邀請如他所想來得正是時候。黑格爾早在巴登大公過世后就已非常擔心巴登的未來（因而擔心海德堡的未來）；有謠傳說維特爾斯巴赫王朝（也即巴伐利亞人王朝）打算盡一切力量收回帕拉蒂納特，自始至終從未完全被迫將它割讓給巴登，黑格爾最不想要的就是回到巴伐利亞統治之上。他因此在1818年1月24日回復道，考慮到阿爾滕施泰因提到的所有理由，他倒是非常愿意接受這個職位，但是，為了審慎起見，他提出，由于他自己缺乏“個人財產”，由于他作為一家之主肩負的責任，他不可能在某些其他的事情還沒有解決情況下接受這個職位。像他告訴阿爾滕施泰因的，柏林的生活與居住成本要比海德堡高得多，這將會很快抵消他薪水的漲幅；再者，他剛剛經歷了購買家具和裝修海德堡房屋的麻煩事，他根本沒有錢在如此短時間內再去折騰一次；最后，他在海德堡早已繳付的孤兒寡母基金（養老金）就會全部白繳了，如果他真的移居柏林的話。（黑格爾比妻子大21歲，這使得做身后的考慮對他來說顯得極其重要。）他向阿爾滕施泰因建議，如果政府將向他提供免費公寓套房，那么這或許將會加快事情的進展，他還告知阿爾滕施泰因，他將會請求政府出資200 Friedrichsdior（1000泰勒）作為搬遷補償費。
After that, things moved relatively quickly. The Prussian cultural ministry responded to Hegel on March 26, 1818, basically granting him almost all his wishes - in other words, 2,000 Thalers salary, 1,000 Thalers as compensation for moving costs, and the promise of exemp? tion from duties when he shipped his articles from Baden to Prussia (Prussian customs duties were especially onerous at the time) - but balking at providing him with a free apartment (it just was not possible, they said). He was also reassured about the financial stability of the widows and orphans fund at Berlin.Altenstein himself responded personally on March 18, 1818, with a promise to do what he could to help Hegel financially and to get him admitted to the Prussian Academy of the Sciences, which carried a small but not insignificant stipend with it.'^"^ (As things turned out, Altenstein was unable to keep that latter promise, much to Hegel’s subsequent disappointment.)
? ? 在這之后，事情進行得相對比較快。普魯士文化部門1818年3月26日對黑格爾作出回應，基本上滿足了他的幾乎所有愿望——換句話說，2000泰勒薪水，1000泰勒作為搬遷補償費，并允諾當他把物品從巴登船運到普魯士時免除稅務（普魯士關稅那時特別高）——但是沒有答應提供他免費公寓套房（這簡直是不可能的，官方說道）。他也對柏林孤兒寡母基金的財政穩定性感到放心。阿爾滕施泰因本人還在1818年3月18日親自回復黑格爾，允諾他自己將盡其所能在經濟上幫助黑格爾，允諾運作他進入普魯士科學院，若能進入可以給他帶來不大一筆但并非無關緊要的薪俸。（像后來事實證明的，阿爾滕施泰因沒能信守上述后一個承諾，這使黑格爾隨后感到非常失望。）
With his requests granted, Hegel sent his letter of acceptance to the Prussian culture ministry on March 31, 1818. Marie Hegel was not exactly enthusiastic about the prospect of moving to Berlin and even put up some resistance to the move after Hegel had already accepted the offer. Indeed, Marie’s own mother had to weigh in on the issue, pointing out to Marie in a letter of April 4, 1818, that she only had “to take the map and place the little spot of land next to the large one where her children and her children’s children will find enough room to build their homes. ... You and Hegel, as you are, will both soon feel at home there.But that was still not enough, and Hegel had some convincing to do with Marie: In a letter to his wife later that summer, Hegel remarked that “the Berlin sand . . . would be a more receptive sphere for philosophy than Heidelberg’s romantic surroundings,’’ showing that he apparently felt he still needed to convince her that the move to Berlin was for the best.'^'’
? ? 由于要求得到滿足，黑格爾1818年3月31日給普魯士文化部門寄去了接受邀請的函件。瑪麗·黑格爾恰恰對于搬到柏林的前景很不看好，甚至在黑格爾已經接受邀請后還仍然對搬遷之事推三阻四。實際上，瑪麗自己的母親不得不在這個問題上施加壓力，在1818年4月4日致瑪麗信中指出，瑪麗只需“帶上一張地圖，挨著那大塊土地找一塊小的土地就成，在這大塊土地上，她的孩子們和她孩子們的孩子將會有足夠的空間來建設自己的家園......你和黑格爾兩人，像你們現在這樣，不久就會感覺到像在原來家中一樣。”但是只有這封信還遠遠不夠，黑格爾也對瑪麗做些說服教育工作：在這年夏末致妻子信中，黑格爾談到“柏林沙土地......較之海德堡浪漫環境，應該是個更加容易接受的哲學環境”，這證明他顯然覺得他仍然需要說服她相信移居柏林是最佳選擇。
The Prussians wanted Hegel to come to Prussia immediately for the summer semester, which was to start around May, but Hegel pointed out that it would be impossible for him to move on such short notice, and, moreover, that he had obligations in Heidelberg vis-Tvis the lec? tures he had already announced and which had been printed in the university’s list of offerings. There followed a series of exchanges be? tween Hegel and the Prussians, who at first said that it would be fine if Hegel were to show up for the winter semester of 1818 (which would begin in October), followed by a series of letters from the ministry first asking, then more or less insisting, that Hegel send them a list of the topics of his upcoming lectures (which he finally did).
? ? 普魯士人想要黑格爾馬上來到普魯士以趕上講授約從5月開始的夏季學期課程，但是黑格爾明言他將不可能按照通知在這樣短時間內搬過去，再者，他有責任將在海德堡講授他早已公布的已排在大學課程表上的課程。隨后是黑格爾與普魯士人之間的一系列交流洽談，普魯士人起初說道調動之事理應有很好的進展，如果黑格爾能在（將開始于10月的）1818年冬季學期到來的話，再隨后是一系列來自普魯士文化部門的信函，先是向黑格爾詢問開課安排，接著或多或少堅持請黑格爾寄給他們一份他即將開設課程的主題清單（所有這些他最終都悉數做到）。
Altenstein was quite pleased with his accomplishment and wrote to Hegel offering that his sister help Marie with regard to the move. Soon thereafter, Altenstein’s sister managed to rent an apartment for the Hegel family from the widow Grabow on the Leipziger Strasse at the corner of Friedrichstrasse for 300 Thalers per year. (The apartment was centrally located and only a few blocks from the university; the Hegel family stayed there only about a year, moving to more commodious quarters at Kupfergraben no. 4, next to the river, even closer to the university and the ceremonial core of the city, and just a few blocks off the grand boulevard, Unter den Linden, on which the university stood.The news of Hegel’s appointment to Berlin apparently spread quickly and was greeted with immense interest. Hegel’s mother-in-law (who also had reason to exaggerate her beloved son-in-law’s accomplish? ments) claimed that it was even being discussed among the cognoscenti in Nuremberg. Schleiermacher himself wrote to a friend, “It has been decided that we will get Hegel, and there are strong rumors that [the same is true] of A. W. Schlegel. I am curious to see how both of them will get along.One of Hegel’s future colleagues, Karl Wilhelm Fer? dinand Solger, an aesthetician and translator of Sophocles, wrote Hegel a very warm letter informing him how eager he was to meet him, how much he valued Hegel’s writings, and how he sincerely hoped that some form of friendship could develop between the two.'^‘^ Even Goethe wryly noted to Sulpiz Boisseree that with Hegel’s appointment to Ber? lin, “Minister Altenstein seems to want to create for himself a scientific bodyguard.
? ? 阿爾滕施泰因對黑格爾取得的成就感到非常高興，在致黑格爾信中提出讓自己的妹妹幫助瑪麗搬家。此后不久，阿爾滕施泰因的妹妹想方設法從腓特烈大街拐角處的荷比錫大街寡婦格拉博家以每年300泰勒的租金為黑格爾一家租了公寓套房。（這座公寓位于市中心、距離大學只有幾個街區；黑格爾一家在這里只住了大約一年，就搬進了更加寬敞的庫普弗格拉本街4號住所，住所緊挨著一條河，距離大學和城市的正式中心更近了，只隔幾個街區就可到達林蔭大道，Unter den Linden，大學就坐落在這里。）黑格爾到柏林任職的消息顯然不脛而走，黑格爾本人收到無數關心的問候。黑格爾的岳母（她同樣有理由對愛婿的成就不惜濫美之詞）聲稱這件事甚至在紐倫堡有識之士中引起不小反響。施萊爾馬赫本人在致友人信中寫道，“我們已經決定將要邀請黑格爾，出現了[我們同時要邀請]A.W.施荷格爾的風行一時的謠傳。我很好奇想看看他們這兩個人將會怎么相處。”黑格爾的未來同事之一，卡爾·威廉·斐迪南德·佐爾格，一位美學家兼索福克勒斯作品譯者，在致黑格爾熱情洋溢的信中告知黑格爾，他是如何熱切地想見到黑格爾，他多么重視黑格爾的作品，他多么衷心地希望他們兩人之間可能結成某種形式的友誼。甚至就連歌德也向蘇爾皮斯·波瓦塞雷打趣地說道，支持黑格爾到柏林供職，“阿爾滕施泰因部長看來好像要為自己創造一名科學的保鏢”。
Hegel had therefore every reason to be hopeful about his new ap? pointment. Schiller had quite famously called Jena a “focal point” (Mittelpunkt) in the 1790s, describing it as the place where the contours of modern life were suddenly concentrated and becoming clear.'-’' In a letter informing his sister, Christiane, about his upcoming move, Hegel now himself characterized Berlin as a “great focal point,” and he later repeated the characterization in his inaugural lecture there.'” His use of Schiller’s old characterization of Jena was not accidental; as Hegel saw how things were shaking out in post-Napoleonic Germany, Prussia, which he had once detested, seemed to be riding the crest of modernity.? It was dynamic, rapidly reforming, and seemingly dedicated to putting Wissenschaft at the head of its social movements. It was in Prussia - at least so it seemed in 1817 and 1818 - that he saw the shape of modern life becoming more explicit and therefore more developed and institu? tionalized. In other words, it seemed to be the place at which the kinds of things he had defended in his philosophy were starting to come clearly into focus. Heidelberg was looking as if it might collapse into Bavarian rule and go the way of Jena; Berlin, on the other hand, was located in what seemed to be a vigorous state clearly and irreversibly committed to modern reforms.
? ? 黑格爾因此有著充足的理由對他的新職位充滿希望。眾所周知，席勒早在18世紀90年代就已把耶拿叫作“焦點”（Mittelpunkt），把耶拿形容為這樣一個地方，在這里現代生活的輪廓突然集聚和變得明朗。在一封告知妹妹克里斯蒂亞娜他自己即將搬遷的信中，黑格爾本人把柏林的特征刻畫為“偉大的焦點”，他后來在柏林就職演說中重申了這個特征。他借用席勒對耶拿特征的舊有刻畫絕不是偶然的；像黑格爾看到有些東西在后拿破侖一世時期德國是如何變得搖搖欲墜的那樣，普魯士，一度使他感到厭惡的普魯士，看來好像站在現代性的頂峰。它充滿活力，處于急劇變革中，似乎一心想把科學放在社會運動的引導地位。正是在普魯士——至少似乎在1817年至1818年間如此——他看到了現代生活的形式在變得越來越明朗，因而在變得更加發達和更制度化了。換句話說，普魯士看來好像成了這樣一個地方，在這里早已被他在自己哲學中捍衛的種種東西顯然逐漸變為焦點。海德堡看似有可能淪為巴伐利亞人的統治和重蹈耶拿的覆轍；恰恰相反，柏林地處一個繁榮的、顯然肯定承諾進行現代改革的州。
Probably suspecting that it would be his last chance, Hegel made a quick trip to Stuttgart in the spring of i8i8 for a few days to visit friends and relatives. In fact, it was the last time he was to see his hometown. (He apparently spent some time speaking to officials in Wiirttemberg about his being appointed to the post of chancellor of the Tubingen University, but, even as those talks proceeded, the die had already been decisively cast for Berlin.) He returned to Heidelberg, finished his summer semester lectures, and set himself to getting the family all ready to go. Once everything else had been taken care of, Hegel packed himself and his family into a coach for the trip to Berlin on September i8, i8i8. They traveled from Heidelberg to Frankfurt and from Frankfurt to Jena, where they stayed several days with his old friends the Frommann family (who had an especially large house in Jena); Immanuel Hegel celebrated his fourth birthday there, and Lud? wig Fischer Hegel located an old friend for a happy reunion. On September 23, Hegel took Marie to Weimar for a short visit with Goethe; this must have pleased Marie quite a bit, since Goethe was a great (if not the greatest) literary celebrity in Germany at the time; that her husband was on such good and personal terms with the great man himself would have only confirmed for Marie her sense of her husband’s importance. The meeting was scheduled for 3:00 P.M. and was appar? ently very short; Goethe noted he had “the pleasure of speaking with the Hegels for a moment; how much I would have wished for a longer conversation.”'’"’ Another observer noted on the visit how Marie Hegel did not appear “entirely healthy.”'-” In fact, Marie Hegel had suffered yet another miscarriage at the end of 1817; the winter had not helped matters, and on July 28, 1818, she had gone to the fashionable spa town of Bad Schwalbach to take the waters there and recuperate, no doubt in part to rest up for the trip.'” But her health was still quite fragile at the time of the move to Berlin.
? ? 黑格爾很可能猜測到，他1818年春用時數日去斯圖加特作短暫旅行，這也許是他最后一次看望親朋好友。實際上，這是他最后一次見到他的故鄉。（他顯然花了一些時間同符騰堡官員談論他將被任命為圖賓根大學校長職務一事，但是，甚至當這樣的談論還在進行中的時候，黑格爾去柏林大學執教就已經是板上釘釘了。）他回到海德堡，完成了夏季學期的授課任務，著手做好全家動身的準備。一切萬事俱備，黑格爾自己1818年9月18日就和家人擠進一輛四輪馬車啟程前往柏林。他們一家乘坐馬車從海德堡到法蘭克福，再乘坐馬車從法蘭克福到耶拿，在耶拿他們在老友弗羅曼家（后者在耶拿有個特別大的房子）小住數日；伊曼努爾·黑格爾在耶拿慶祝他的4歲生日，路德維希·菲舍爾·黑格爾在耶拿跟一個老朋友開心重聚。9月23日，黑格爾攜瑪麗去魏瑪匆匆拜訪歌德；這想必使瑪麗感到非常高興，因為歌德是德國那時偉大的（縱使不是最偉大的）文學名流；丈夫同這位偉人本人有著這樣好的私交，這也許只會使瑪麗更加覺得丈夫了不起。這次會晤被安排在下午3點；顯然非常短暫；歌德說他“很高興能夠同黑格爾一家交談片刻；我原本多么希望能夠進行一次長談啊。”另一位在場者看出，在這次旅行中瑪麗·黑格爾是如何顯得“病歪歪的”。實際上，瑪麗·黑格爾還在1817年底又經歷了一次流產；冬天不利于她的身體恢復，在1818年7月28日，她去當時風行的溫泉小鎮巴德特施瓦爾巴赫洗溫泉療養身體，這次旅行無疑使她部分地放松了身心。然而她的身體在全家移居柏林時仍然弱不禁風。
After leaving Jena, the Hegel family spent four days on what Hegel described as excellent roads, staying overnight at WeiBenfels, Witten? berg (the town where by legend Luther nailed his theses to the church door), and arriving in Berlin on October 5, 1818, to take up residence in their new apartment. Marie was exhausted, but the children had held up well, and Hegel was more than pleased to be in his new environment, although he was taken aback at first by what seemed to him Berlin’s oversized, chaotic urban nature.
? ? 在離開耶拿后，黑格爾一家用時4天才走完被黑格爾形容為出色的道路，在維滕貝格的魏森費爾斯（這個傳說路德把他的論文釘在教堂大門上的小鎮）過夜，于1818年10月5日抵達柏林，住進了他們的新公寓。瑪麗累得筋疲力盡，而孩子們精神亢奮，黑格爾也對所處的新環境感到非常高興，盡管他起初被在他看來柏林龐大而混亂的城市生態驚得目瞪口呆。
Hegel, who always praised Aristotle and particularly his politics, had in the decade earlier been characterized as the modern Aristotle (in contrast to Schelling, who was called the modern Plato). The character? ization seemed to have stuck, since others continued to use it at Heidelberg.i-’^ For Hegel at this point, the comparison might have seemed even more apt. Aristotle had been a Greek foreigner in Athenian life who had come to see Athens’s importance for understanding ethics and politics in nonprovincial and more generally human terms; Hegel no doubt thought that his being in Berlin would be an analogous situation.? His own life had come into focus in Heidelberg; now he would be at the central point where modern life itself was coming into focus. For once, he would arrive somewhere before its glory period had passed, and he would be the Swabian foreigner in place to theorize about what was living and what was dead in Berlin life in its moment of transition to the new, more rational order.
? ? 黑格爾，總是稱贊亞里士多德、特別是總是稱贊亞里士多德政治學的黑格爾，早在10年前就已被人形容為現代亞里士多德（與被人叫作現代柏拉圖的謝林截然不同）。這個形容看來已經得到認同，因為其他人繼續在海德堡使用這種形容。對于此時的黑格爾，這個比擬可能看起來是較為得當的。亞里士多德是雅典人生活中的一個希臘外夷，亞氏最終看出雅典人用非外地人的和更一般的人類詞語理解倫理學和政治學的重要性；黑格爾無疑認為他自己生活在柏林將會面臨類似的處境。他自己的生活早已成為海德堡的焦點；眼下他將會處于這樣的中心，在該中心現代生活本身逐漸成為焦點。就這一次，他將在海德堡的輝煌時期消逝前抵達柏林，他也將作為一名斯瓦比亞的外鄉人適當地從理論上說明，在柏林生活向新型的更加合理的秩序過渡時刻，什么是柏林生活中的活東西和死東西。
Events, however, took an unexpected turn for him. Within a year of his arrival, the reaction in Prussia began to gather force, and Hegel was once again forced to rethink what his philosophy had to say about a world that was suddenly and very disturbingly not taking the shape he thought it should have.
? ? 然而，事態的發展出現了轉向，卻是他始料不及的。在他到達柏林后的這年內，普魯士反動勢力開始積蓄力量，黑格爾再度被迫重新思考他自己的哲學必須對這樣一個世界作出何種說明：這個世界沒有呈現出在他看來它原本應該呈現出的狀況，這令他感到非常意外和極為不安。
