The Protestant Seminary in Tubingen
Disappointments and Charms of University Life
第2章 圖賓根新教神學院
對大學生活的失望與大學的魅力
Hegel could not help but have been disappointed with his circumstances at Tubingen University when he arrived there.? The university, which had enjoyed a fairly glorious past, had gone into steep decline and was in danger of ceasing to exist altogether. In 1769 Karl Eugen had decided to rename the university after himself; instead of being called the Eberhard University (named after Duke Eberhard, who had founded the university in 1477), it was to be known henceforth as the Eberhard-Karls University. However, despite its renaming, Tubingen University remained at the time a bastion of outmoded thought and courses of instruction, differing very little in this regard from most other German universities at the time. Nepotism was also rampant in Tubingen, another unfortunate feature it shared with the other German universities; the professors there tended to come from a small number of families who intermarried, with the fully predictable result of a drastic lowering of the overall quality of the professoriate.' Thus, by the time Hegel was ready to go to the university, universities in Germany had become the object of widespread contempt; they were seen as mere relics of an outmoded medieval scholasticism, where new knowledge was not produced, and as places where youth became corrupted by the anti-intellectual student culture of duels and drunkenness prevalent at most all of them. Universities remained semifeudal “corporations,” institutions governed by the professoriate, who were far more interested in exercising their inherited medieval privileges than in anything else, and who thus tended to resist strenuously all efforts to reform the universities. Moreover, like many other German universities, Tubingen maintained an idea of its educational mission as that of passing on orthodox, correct belief to its students, a pedagogical idea reinforced by the predominance of the theological faculty of the university.
? ? 黑格爾可能在到達圖賓根大學時，不得不對圖賓根大學環境感到大失所望。圖賓根大學久負盛名，但是現已每況愈下，完全有停辦之虞。1769年，卡爾·歐根決定以自己名字重新命名這所大學；它不是過去的所謂埃伯哈特大學（以1477年創辦該校的埃伯哈特公爵命名），從今以后通常叫做埃伯哈特一卡爾斯大學。然而，盡管它被重新命名，圖賓根大學依舊成了那時陳舊思想、講授過時課程的堡壘，就此而論，它幾乎與絕大多數其他德國大學毫無二致。任人唯親同樣在圖賓根猖獗一時，這是它與那時其他德國大學共具的另一不幸的特點；那里的教授們往往近親繁殖，完全可以預料到的是教授職位設立太多，教授水平低下。因而，截至黑格爾準備就讀圖賓根大學時，德國大學已普遍受到輕蔑；它們被看作過時的中世紀經院哲學的純遺物，因為在那里新的知識無法產生，并被看作青年人墮落的場所，因為那時幾乎所有大學都盛行決斗和酗酒，這種反知識學生文化致使青年頹廢墮落。大學仍然帶有半封建“行會”味道，大學中機構由教授們把持，他們感興趣的是行使從中世紀繼承下來的特權，而對其他東西毫無興趣，他們因而傾向于竭力抵制改革大學。而且，跟許多其他德國大學一樣，圖賓根大學堅持把教育傳教工作的理念，作為傳承正統的理念，作為向學生灌輸正確信仰的理念，這種教學理念為居于支配地位的圖賓根大學神學院所強化。
For theses reasons, there were many people in Germany calling for the total abolition of universities and their replacement by more specialized academies of science and useful knowledge. Karl Eugen had tried to get Tubingen to modernize its teaching and its research, but finally gave it up as a lost cause and began to focus his energies on his own creation, the Karlsschule, also named for himself. The Karlsschule was typical of the new “academies” being formed at the time in opposition to the staid, theologically bound universities with their medieval charters and privileges and outmoded curricula. In 1782, Karl Eugen decided to promote the Karlsschule in Stuttgart to the rank of a university, and the Karlsschule began to drain off resources and energy from the university in Tubingen.
? ? 由于上述原因，有許多德國人要求徹底廢除大學，用更加專業化的科學院和有用的知識來取代大學。卡爾·歐根試圖使圖賓根大學的教學和研究現代化，但是，終因敗局已定而放棄了這一做法，著手集中精力創辦他自己的卡爾學院(Karlsschule)，也是以他本人的名字命名的。卡爾學院是所一反那時的大學而建的典型的新“學院”，那時的大學死板老套，受著神學的束縛，具有中世紀的特點和特權以及陳舊的課程。1782年，卡爾·歐根決定把斯圖加特卡爾學院升級為大學，卡爾學院開始逐漸從圖賓根大學拿走一些資源。
By the time Hegel arrived, there was little more to the university in Tubingen than the Protestant Seminary - the Stift - where he was to live and study. What was left of the law and medical faculties could not even be described as a skeleton crew. The fact that by 1788 the university itself had become more or less a mere appendage of the Protestant Seminary supposedly attached to it was, moreover, not something that further endeared it to its devout Catholic duke, Karl Eugen. Thus, Hegel arrived at a university that had the feel of someplace frozen in time, where somehow (and in great contrast to his Gymnasium in Stuttgart) the Enlightenment had not yet quite arrived. (The university was only to be saved by Karl Eugen’s death in 1793, his successor’s decision to rebuild the Tubingen university, and the subsequent transfer of the best minds of the Karlsschule to Tubingen.
? ? 截至黑格爾到達的時候，圖賓根大學辦學規模幾乎不大于新教神學院——教會學院——他將要生活和學習的新教神學院。法學和醫學系所剩的，甚至連一批最基本的教職員工都說不上。到1788年時，圖賓根大學本身多少據稱成了新教神學院的純附屬物。這種狀況已無法使虔誠的信奉天主教的卡爾·歐根公爵再喜愛圖賓根大學。因此，黑格爾到達了一所思想上刻板僵化的學校，由于種種原因（并且與他所在的斯圖加特高中形成極大反差）啟蒙運動的春風仍未刮到這里。（圖賓根大學只是到了1793年卡爾·歐根死時才得到挽救，他的繼任人決定重塑圖賓根大學，隨后把卡爾學院最好師資調到圖賓根)。
Hegel reacted to this situation by rebelling. Although he entered the Seminary as the top-ranked student of his class, he quickly became both uninterested in his official studies and a bit headstrong in his attitudes and did not manage to keep his first-place ranking after the first test.? Hegel the model student was quickly transformed into a somewhat surly young scholar who neglected good bits of his studies. He did not abandon his idea of himself as following his chosen career as a “man of letters,” nor did he abandon his passion for reading and reflection, but he did change his attitude toward his teachers and his schooling, even if he kept many of the behaviors he had acquired as a schoolboy.
? ? 黑格爾對這種狀況報以反抗。他人神學院時是班上尖子生，但很快就表現出對正式學習不感興趣，在態度上有點剛愎自用，在第一次考試名列前茅后，有意不再看重排名。黑格爾作為模范生，由于種種原因，很快變成了在學習習慣上，不拘小節的乖戾生。他放棄了以前選擇做“文人”的想法，也不再熱衷于閱讀和反思，但他改變了對待老師和學校教育的態度，即使他仍然保持做學生所養成的許多習慣。
In addition to the low quality of the university, the circumstances of the Protestant Seminary were themselves not of the kind that would have appealed to Hegel’s temperament. The Protestant Seminary was built on the foundations of an older Augustinian seminary, and, for the duration of their studies, the students became in effect Protestant monks. They were required to wear long black coats (which vaguely resembled cassocks) with white cuffs and collars. The seminarians’ hours were strictly regulated, and they were regularly scrutinized and watched. Failure to abide by the rules meant punishment, usually in the form of being deprived of one’s ration of table wine for the day or being incarcerated in the student jail (the Karzer). The chancellor of the university was fond of saying, “It is good and salutary for one whose future occupation will be the care of souls that his will should be broken whilst he is young.”’ Hegel was in no mood to have his will broken, and the strict regulations and the low level of the instruction only served to further alienate him from his official studies.
? ? 除了圖賓根大學教學質量低之外，新教神學院的環境本身，大概不是那種能適合黑格爾性格的環境。新教神學院的前身，是所較老的奧古斯丁神學院，由于長期學習緣故，學生們實際上成了新教修道士。他們被要求穿著長長的外套（模模糊糊就像是法衣），帶著白袖口和白衣領。神學院學生作息嚴格，他們常受檢查和監視。違反這些規章意味著受到懲罰，通常形式的懲罰是不能享受當天的佐餐酒，或被關進學生禁閉室(the Karzer)。圖賓根大學校長常掛在嘴邊的一句話是：“對一個未來的職業是呵護心靈的人，大有裨益的是他的意志在他年輕時就應受到馴服。”黑格爾不想馴服自己意志，而嚴厲的規章制度，低水平的教學所起的作用，只是使他越發疏遠正業。
The “Three Friends”
During Hegel’s first year, how^ever, he made the acquaintance and became good friends with another student who, like him, was both highly ranked in the class and equally alienated from the life at the Seminary: Friedrich Hdlderlin, who was to become one of the greatest of all German poets. In the fall of 1790, he and Holderlin also became good friends with another much younger student who had just arrived, Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling.'’ Schelling was five years younger than Hegel and Holderlin, but his precociousness had so impressed the authorities at the cloister school he had attended that he had been given an early admission to the Seminary. Both Hegel and Holderlin quickly discovered that Schelling shared their antipathy to the Seminary, and the three became fast friends and shared a room together there. They jointly resolved not to become pastors, and Schelling and Holderlin came to be among the chief catalysts for Hegel’s eventual turn towards a career in philosophy.
“三個朋友”
不過，黑格爾在圖賓根大學第一學年，認識了一些人并與另一位學生成了好朋友，這位學生和他一樣，既在班級名列前茅，又疏遠神學院的生活。他就是弗里德里希·荷爾德林，日后步入了德國最偉大詩人行列。1790年秋，他又和另一位比他更年輕的、剛剛到達的學生弗里德里希·威廉·約瑟夫·謝林成了好朋友。‘謝林比黑格爾和荷爾德林小5歲，但他的早熟給神學院領導留下極深的印象，以致他獲準提前入圖賓根神學院。黑格爾與荷爾德林二人，不久便發現謝林和他兩一樣，也對圖賓根神學院表示反感，他們三人成了形影不離的朋友，合住一個房間。他們共同決定將來不做牧師，謝林和荷爾德林逐漸成了激勵黑格爾最終轉向哲學研究的人。
A deep sense of shared experience and expectation combined to bring the three friends together and to drive them more to philosophical and less to theological studies. As they entered the university, things were slowing down in Germany. Having only recently recovered from the devastation of the Thirty Years War, Germany had been growing economically and demographically. The economic situation, however, was starting to stagnate, and the number of suitable positions for young men with expectations of holding a “learned” position in society was shrinking. Yet all the while that the prospects for their futures seemed to be receding, there was a continuous introduction into Germany of new French and English “Enlightenment” ideas that reinforced a growing view among the young that the “old ways” were restricting Germans from improving their lot both socially and educationally. Life really could be improved, it increasingly seemed evident, by the application of reason to human affairs, and to the young seminarians what especially seemed to be blocking such renewal in their own environment were precisely the hometown structures of the Wiirttemberg life in which they had been raised. Their shared experience - the felt tension between social promise and the antiquated structures of hometown life - put these three rather studious young fellows in the position of being especially open to prospects of change and to new ideas that would give them a comprehensive view of things that would outline how it would be possible to “reform” the present situation. They were thus experientially already open to something like Kant’s philosophy, with its emphasis on “freedom” and “spontaneity.” That Hegel initially had some doubts about this is also instructive.
? ? 對共同具有的經驗和期待的深度領悟，合起來使這三位朋友親密無間，迫使他們更傾向于學習哲學而非學習神學。當他們入圖賓根大學的時候，德國的發展逐漸慢了下來。在只是近來才從30年戰爭造成的破壞中恢復元氣后，德國經濟逐漸有了起色且人口有了增長。不22過，經濟形勢開始出現停頓，對于那些期待擁有社會“學術”地位的青年人來說，合適的位置在數量上逐漸減少。然而，他們未來的前景似乎變得渺茫，但法國和英國新的“啟蒙運動”理念不斷傳入德國，這就強化了青年人的一種日益增長的看法，“一些舊的方面”限制了德國人從社會和教育方面改善他們的命運。似乎日益明顯的是，生活憑借把理性用于人類事務確實將能夠得到改善，尤其是對神學院青年學生來說，看來阻礙對他們自己環境的這樣的更新的，恰好就是所養育他們的符騰堡生活的鄉鎮結構。他們的共同經驗——他們感受到的社會前提與鄉鎮生活的陳舊結構之間的張力——使這三個頗為用功的青年學子抱有這樣的態度，特別樂意思考變幻莫測的前途和接受這樣一些新的理念，它們將提供他們對事務的廣泛的理解，這樣的理解將勾勒出何以可能“變革”時勢的輪廓。因而，他們已身體力行地接受某種東西，譬如，強調“自由”和“自發性”的康德哲學。黑格爾最初對這樣做持有異議，這同樣是具有啟發性的。
The Revolution
Hegel’s and Holderlin’s first year at the Seminary was thus spent in alienation from their surroundings. Holderlin, who had been engaged to a pastor’s daughter (typically, a young seminarian married a pastor’s daughter in order to inherit the pastor’s position) painfully broke off his engagement to the young woman in 1789. That, however, was to prove insignificant in light of what happened next: The French Revolution in 1789 quite simply changed everything for Hegel and Holderlin. The Revolution led Hegel, Holderlin, and, after his arrival, Schelling, to become increasingly exasperated by the provinciality and corruption of the Wiirttemberg world in which they lived, which their experience of the Seminary had only brought home all the more vividly to them.? They were, moreover, not alone at the Seminary in their embrace of Revolution, and their initial enthusiasm for the Revolution only deep- ened over the next few years with French victories over counterrevolutionary German armies. They cheered the Revolution in 1789, and they followed the events closely in France and hoped for something similar in Germany. For Hegel, his initial disappointment with the Seminary gave way to heady feelings of hope for the future and identification with the revolutionary cause.
法國大革命
? ? 因此，黑格爾和荷爾德林在圖賓根神學院的第一年，是在與他們周圍事務疏遠過程中度過的。荷爾德林，來圖賓根之前已跟一位牧師的女兒訂婚（一般說來，神學院青年學生與牧師的女兒結婚，圖的是日后接替牧師的職位），而他1789年痛苦地解除了他與這位青年女子的婚約。然而，根據接下來發生的事情，證明這是意義非同尋常的!1789年法國大革命，在黑格爾和荷爾德林看來，完全徹底地改變了一切。法國大革命使黑格爾、荷爾德林，和隨荷爾德林之后到達的謝林，逐漸再也無法忍受符騰堡世界的地方性質和墮落，這又只不過使他們更為強烈地去理解在神學院的體驗。而且，他們不止是在神學院23 里擁抱法國大革命，他們最初對法國大革命的熱情一直延續好幾年，期間法軍多次戰勝德國的反革命軍。他們為1789年法國大革命而歡呼，并密切關注法國的一系列事件，盼望德國也能出現類似的一幕。在黑格爾看來，他最初對神學院的失望，此時已讓位于熱情憧憬未來，讓位于對革命原因的認同。
However, after the Declaration of Pillnitz in 1791, in which Austria and Prussia pledged themselves to defend the principles of monarchy against the threats of revolution, there was much concern in France (and outside France, particularly among the pro-French faction at the Seminary) that France was to be invaded by hostile forces intent on reversing the Revolution. For a while, things seemed to have calmed down when the French king accepted the new constitution in 1791.? However, the western part of the old empire, of which Wiirttemberg w as part, had seen a huge influx of emigre nobility from France, who formed a pressure group calling for a counterrevolutionary coalition to invade France. The situation between the two sides deteriorated with the various angry charges being traded, and on April 20, 1792, the French declared war. The duke of Braunschweig, recognized as one of the foremost military leaders of his day, took command of a force that at first successfully marched into France. But on September 20, he engaged the forces led by the French General Dumouriez at Valmy near Paris. The French won the battle, the duke of Braunschweig took his forces with him into retreat, and the French pursued them deep into Germany. The day after the victory at Valmy, the newly elected National Convention in France abolished the monarchy. (Goethe, who was present at the battle of Valmy, remarked on that night that a new epoch in world history had begun.)
? ? 不過，在1791年發表《皮爾尼茨宣言》（宣言中奧地利和普魯士發暫保衛君主政體），以防止革命的威脅之后，法國（和在法國之外特別是神學院親法派）把目光更多投向的，是法國將受到急于開法國大革命倒車的敵軍攻擊。過了一段時間，當法國國王承認1791年新憲法時，事情似乎平靜下來。不過，古老帝國的西部地區，符騰堡所屬的地區，出現了大量從法國涌入的逃亡貴族，他們對政府施加壓力，要求臨時結成反革命聯盟人侵法國。由于各種憤怒的互相指控，德法雙方之間的形勢不斷惡化，1792年4月20日，法國人對德國人宣戰。不倫瑞克公爵，被視為那時杰出的軍事領導人之一，指揮軍隊一舉成功地進入法國。但是，9月20日，他與由法國迪穆里埃將軍率領的軍隊，在巴黎附近的瓦爾米交戰。法國人贏得了戰役，不倫瑞克公爵率部撤退，法軍乘勝追擊深入德國腹地。瓦爾米勝利后的這天，法國新選出的國民工會，廢除了君主制。（歌德，參加了瓦爾米戰役，評論說那個夜晚是世界史上新時期的開始。）
Some fellow students later recounted an anecdote about this period according to which the trio of Holderlin, Schelling, and Hegel erected a “freedom tree” - a kind of revolutionary Maypole - on the fourteenth of July, 1793 (a year into the Terror, during which the guillotines were working full time) on a field near the town of Tubingen and danced the revolutionary French dance, the Carmognole, around it, all the while singing the words to the Marseillaise (which Schelling had translated into German). The story has been repeated so many times that it has become part of the Hegel-Schelling-Holderlin legend, but unfortunately, except for the part about Schelling’s translation, the story is almost surely false. However, its believability for those who later told it lay in its adequately capturing the spirit that was undoubtedly animating the three friends.? A political club had formed in the 1790s at Tubingen to discuss the Revolution, to read various revolutionary tracts, and in general to raise the spirits of the seminarians who were inspired by the events of the Revolution; Hegel was a member of the club. The club had itself been founded by another friend of Hegel’s at the Seminary, Christian Ludwig Wetzel, who had apparently brought the text to the Marseillaise with him from a sojourn in Strasbourg, where he had been in 1792 in order to fight on the French side in their battles with the Austrians. The trio of Hegel, Holderlin, and Schelling, moreover, were also enthusiastic readers of a German journal, Minerva^ edited by Johann Wilhelm von Archenholz, which avidly supported the Revolution.
? ? 有些同學后來描述了荷爾德林、謝林和黑格爾三人1793年的一件逸聞趣事：1793年是個恐怖之年，期間每天都有人被送上斷頭臺，7月14日，他們三人在圖賓根城近郊種“自由樹”（一種革命的五朔節花柱)，圍繞自由樹跳法國大革命舞(Carmognole)，一直在唱馬賽曲（由謝林翻譯成德文）7。這個故事已不知被講過多少遍，以致它都成了黑格爾、謝林、荷爾德林的傳奇的一部分，但令人遺憾的是，除了有關謝林翻譯馬賽曲這部分內容之外，整個故事幾乎肯定是不真實的。不過，對那些后來講述者來說，它的可信度在于它恰當地捕捉到了那種激勵這三位朋友的精神，這是毋庸置疑的。1790年代，政治俱樂部就已在圖賓根成立，討論法國大革命，解讀各種革命短文（傳單），總的說來，使那些受到法國大革命事件鼓舞的神學院學生，精神百倍斗志昂揚；黑格爾是政治俱樂部一成員。政治俱樂部本身，是由黑格爾在神學院的另一朋友，克里斯蒂安·路德維希·古策爾所創辦，此君顯然從暫住地斯特拉斯堡，把馬賽曲詞曲帶到黑格爾處，他1792年時就已住在斯特拉斯堡，以和法軍一道與奧地利人作戰。而且，黑格爾、荷爾德林和謝林三人，同樣是德文《密納瓦》雜志的熱心讀者，雜志由約翰·威廉·馮·阿興霍爾茨主編，鼎力支持法國大革命。
The pro-French element of the German population, of which the young students Hegel, Holderlin, and Schelling were most decidedly members, rejoiced at this turn of events, since it seemed to promise fulfillment of their hopes that the retrograde forces of the old empire were not long for the world. For the partisans of the Revolution at the Seminary, the defeat of what they could only regard as the forces of moral and spiritual enfeeblement could not help but be encouraging.? Excitement about the events in France was also stirred by the presence of French students at the Seminary, who brought the news from France directly into the Seminary. Some of the seminarians came from areas in France that belonged to the duke of Wurttemberg, who because of various vagaries of Wurttemberg history possessed lands in France in Alsace and in the area around Montbeliard (known then by its Wurttemberg name of Mompelgard). In addition to those students, there were also some French seminarians from other Protestant areas in France. One of the entries in Hegel’s university album, for example, was by Jean Jerome Kolb from Strasbourg. (Kolb’s entry read, “Vive la liberte!!”).5
? ? 德國人口中親法國的那部分人，青年學子黑格爾、荷爾德林和謝林肯定屬于這部分成員，在那些事件一出現就為之歡欣鼓舞，因為似乎有可以實現他們的希望，舊王朝反動勢力兔子尾巴長不了。就神學院法國大革命熱情支持者而言，德國的失敗被他們只看作道德上和精神上的衰微，這可能不得不令人鼓舞。同樣，對法國有關事件的興奮，也是由就讀于神學院的法國學生激起的，他們把那些消息從法國直接帶到神學院。有些神學院學生來自屬于符騰堡公爵領地的法國地24區，公爵由于符騰堡歷史具有的各種奇特性，而擁有法國阿爾薩斯周邊地區的土地（阿爾薩斯后因符騰堡名字默佩爾加德而聞名）。除了那些學生之外，還有一些來自法國其他新教地區的法籍神學院學生。舉例來說，黑格爾大學簽名簿上有一處簽字，就是出自斯特拉斯堡讓·熱羅姆·科爾布之手。（科爾布簽的是，“Vive la liberté!!”）
If the Revolution and its celebration sat well with the three friends, it certainly did not particularly please the duke of Wurttemberg. He had lost many of his lands in France when the revolutionaries of 1789 abolished feudal privileges, and so from his point of view, since it was bad enough that the Seminary in Tubingen was Protestant, it would be intolerable if it turned out to be training antiroyalist revolutionaries.? The political club at Tubingen especially had not gone unnoticed by the authorities, and the duke himself made a personal visit to the Seminary to see just how subversive the institution bearing his name had become. After fighting with the French forces in 1792, Hegel’s friend Wetzel had returned to Tubingen in order to take his master’s exam, but when the duke visited in 1793, Wetzel decided that discretion called for him to absent himself from the area, since he was almost certainly to be arrested and incarcerated. (He later became a commissioner in the conquering French army of the Rhine and the Mosel and finally moved to Paris, where he founded a piano factory.) Schelling himself was interrogated by the ducal visitors, at which point he apparently confessed to having made some youthful errors; he was not arrested, and Hegel was never interrogated. But after Wetzel’s flight to France, the political club gradually ceased to exist.
? ? 如果說，法國大革命及其慶祝活動，得到這三位朋友盛贊的話，法國大革命肯定使符騰堡公爵特別不愉快。當1789年一系列革命廢除了封建特權時，他失去了許多法國土地，因而，從他的觀點看，最壞不過的是，圖賓根神學院是屬于新教的，所以，它如果到頭來培養25 學生進行反君主主義革命，將是令人難以忍受的。在圖賓根，政治俱樂部沒有引起當局的特別注意，公爵本人親臨神學院視察，正好看看這個機構是不是做出與它名分不符之事。在1792年與法軍交戰后，黑格爾的朋友韋策爾回到了圖賓根，準備參加碩士考試，但是，當公爵1793年視察圖賓根時，韋策爾為了謹慎起見，決定離開圖賓根，因為他幾乎肯定會被逮捕入獄。（在后來征服菜茵河摩澤爾河流域過程中，他當上了法軍一名指揮官，最終移居巴黎，創辦了一家鋼琴廠。）謝林本人受到了公爵特使的訊問，他顯然承認犯了些幼稚的錯誤；他未遭逮捕，而黑格爾從未被訊問過。但是，在韋策爾逃到法國后，政治俱樂部逐漸停止了活動。
Hegel and his friends thus began to imagine different futures not only for themselves but for Wiirttemberg and even for the Holy Roman Empire as a whole. This conception of being a “partisan of the Revolution” fit well with and revitalized Hegel’s view of himself as having a career as a “teacher of the people” on the model of Lessing. Some of his friends, such as Wetzel, had already presented themselves as partisans of the Revolution, willing to go off to join its battles. An older seminarian, Karl Friedrich Reinhardt, who had published articles highly critical of life in the Seminary, had taken enthusiasm for the French one huge step further: After becoming the vicar in Balingen (a Wiirttemberg town near Tubingen), he had gone to France in 1787, participated in the Revolution, and become a figure of some importance there — indeed, he rose to such influence within the ruling circles in France that he later even replaced the great Tallyrand, becoming, even if only briefly, the French foreign minister under the Girondins.’
? ? 因此，黑格爾及其朋友不僅著手憧憬他們自己的前途，而且憧憬符騰堡的前途，甚至從整體上看憧憬神圣羅馬帝國的前途。做一名“革命黨人”，這個想法非常符合黑格爾的想法，使黑格爾重新確立以萊辛為榜樣將來當“人民教師”的思想。他的一些朋友譬如韋策爾已投身革命黨人，自愿奔赴戰場。身為高年級神學院學生，卡爾·弗里德里希·賴因哈特早就發表文章，極力批評神學院的生活，盛贊法國大革命是歷史的巨大進步：在做上了巴林根（一個靠近圖賓根的符騰堡鄉鎮）教堂主持后，他1787年去巴黎參加法國大革命，成了一個地位不菲的人物。——實際上，他在法國統治階層中影響不斷攀升，后來甚至取代了大人物塔列朗，當上了吉倫特派執政時期法國外交部長。
Such things no doubt filled Hegel’s head with dreams of what his nonpastoral career might turn out to be. More importantly, though, the Revolution and his imaginative involvement in it with his friends had altered his view of his own ambitions, even if he himself was slow to realize it. He had come to Tubingen imagining a future for himself as an enlightened pastor and theologian assisting in the project of bringing Wiirttemberg, and maybe even the “German nation” as a whole, into modern life (much as Lessing had created a public for literature and theater). He had quickly abandoned the idea of becoming a pastor, after the Revolution had suggested to him and others that more was at stake in becoming “modern” than merely becoming “enlightened.” Hegel, like many German intellectuals of the time, tended to see the emerging French Revolution as a newer version of the older Protestant Reformation, destined to lead society to a better ethical condition. The more general ideas of moral reform and spiritual renewal had, of course, been with him since he had imbibed the related ideals of Enlightenment and Bildung (“cultural formation,” “taste,” “cultivation”) in Stuttgart, but the political nature of the Revolution and the involvement of his fellow seminarians had gradually led him to think more concretely about the social embodiment of the rather hazy ideas of “moral reform” and “spiritual renewal” that he had brought with him to Tubingen. His Wiirttembergian background had endowed him with a sense of constitutionalism and with the idea that indistinct notions such as rights had to be anchored in some kind of social practice; his Enlightenment education had prepared him for the idea that it was both possible and desirable to make a career of assisting the process of spiritual renewal, and that the application of human reason was to play a large role in this; and the Revolution and his association with his seminary friends (both German and French) had thrown into question just how his Wiirttembergian ideals and his Enlightenment sympathies were actually going to play out. The major role that Pietism played in Wiirttemberg also played a large role in this conception - despite the fact that he was not a Pietist himself and was not personally in any way attracted to Pietist ideas, Hegel was nonetheless greatly influenced by the central Pietist idea that reform of the church had not been enough and that a thoroughgoing reform of the world was equally required, and that the Revolution was to lead to this reform of the world.
? ? 毋庸置疑，這些東西使黑格爾充滿夢想，他不當牧師可能證明是正確的。然而，更為重要的是，法國大革命以及他與朋友們共同在思想上介入革命，改變了他對自己的志向的看法，縱使他本人很遲才意識到這一點。他來到圖賓根后，設想未來做滿腹經綸的牧師和神學研究者，盤算幫助把符騰堡引入現代生活，甚或從整體上看把“德國”引入現代生活（幾乎和萊辛為文學和戲劇創造讀者大眾一樣）。在法國大革命向他和其他人展示，成為“現代的”是值得懷疑的，而非只26是成為“開明的”是值得懷疑的之后，他很快就放棄了將來當牧師的想法。黑格爾和那時許多德國知識分子一樣，往往會把現存的法國大革命看作新版的新教改革，看作注定會改善社會倫理狀況。誠然，他早就心懷較為一般的想法，這就是道德上的改造和精神上的重生，因為，他還在斯圖加特時期，就已接受有關啟蒙運動和教養(“文化形成”、“鑒賞力”、“文雅”)，但是，法國大革命的政治本質，他神學院同學思想上卷入法國大革命，這些逐漸使他去更加具體地思考，那些頗為朦朧的想法是如何體現在社會中的（這樣的想法是指他早在圖賓根時期就已懷有的“道德改造”和“精神重生”）。他的符騰堡人背景，已賦予他立憲主義觀念，并使他認為，某些模糊的概念譬如權利，必然牢牢基于某種社會實踐中；他接受的啟蒙運動教育，使他認識到，既有可能又值得向往的，就是去從事促進精神重生工作，并使他認識到，在這方面，人類理性的運用起著十分重要的作用；法國大革命和他與神學院朋友們（有德國朋友也有法國朋友）的聯想，正好使人要問的是，他的符騰堡人理想，他對啟蒙運動的同情，實際上將如何落到實處。虔誠主義在符騰堡所扮演的重要角色，同樣在下列的看法中也起著十分重要的作用：黑格爾，盡管本人不是虔誠派教徒，盡管本人一點不受虔誠派教徒理想的吸引，他卻依然受到虔誠派教徒核心思想的重大影響，這核心思想就是宗教改革是不充分的，就是對世界的徹底改造同樣也是非常必要的，就是法國大革命必將導致對世界的這種改造。
The “Old Man" and the “Summer of Love”
Nonetheless, however rebellious against the ways of the Seminary Hegel became, he remained the industrious, serious fellow he always was; his friends at the Seminary referred to him by the nickname “the old man,” and one of them drew in his university album a picture of an old man on crutches with a long beard, under which was the inscription, “God help the old man.” Hegel may have visited the taverns, cut classes, and ridden off on afternoon adventures with his other friends, but the nickname shows that (probably unlike many of them) he was not content with simply pub crawling, carousing, and making merry; he was still reading quite a bit and still remained extremely serious about learning, however much contempt he might have had for the low quality of the professoriate at Tubingen.
“老人”與“愛之夏”
? ? 然而，不管黑格爾多么反對圖賓根神學院教學方法，他依然一直是個認真勤奮的學生；神學院學友用綽號“老人”來稱呼他，有位學友在他大學簽名簿上畫了一張靠一副T字形拐杖支撐著、長著長長胡須的老人的像，畫像下面題詞是，“天助老人也”。黑格爾可能光顧?過小酒店，缺過課，騎馬出去參加其他朋友的午后冒險活動，但“老人”這個綽號表明（很可能和他們中許多人不同），他不只是滿足于逐店飲酒，狂飲鬧宴，尋歡作樂；同時他也讀了很多書，仍然對學習極端認真，不管他可能對圖賓根水平低下的教授們何等蔑視。
Although Hegel continued to do just enough in his studies to remain respectable, his heart was not in them. Instead of focusing on his required studies, he threw himself into his reading and, in particular, into the works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Many of his student friends when thinking about him in later life remembered him as being an ardent partisan of Rousseau at the time. (He and his classmates would, for example, write “Vive Jean-Jacques” in each other’s albums.) Notwithstanding that, Rousseau was not his sole reading matter; he was also avidly reading Friedrich Schiller, Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi, Montesquieu, Plato, and much else.
? ? 黑格爾始終在學業上很用功，依然受人尊敬，但他心思并不在學業上。他不是致力于要求學的課程，反而是投身于自己想學的東西，特別是一頭扎進讓一雅克·盧梭著作。許多學友晚年回憶他時，還清楚記得他是盧梭的狂熱和虔誠的信徒。（舉例來說，他和同班同學在相互的簽名簿里，寫上“Vive Jean-Jacques”。）盡管這樣，盧梭仍然不是他唯一解讀的對象；他還如饑似渴地解讀了弗里德里希·席勒、弗里德里希·海因里希·雅科比、孟德斯鳩、柏拉圖，以及其他許多詩人哲學家。
But his mind was not completely absorbed in such abstruse matters.? Hegel remained a gregarious soul, and, like many students before and since, he and his fellow students reacted to the strictness of their academic environment by forming bonds of camaraderie with each other. Hegel loved to play cards (something he appreciated as a schoolboy in Stuttgart and throughout the rest of his life), discuss issues with friends, and engage in friendly drinking bouts at the many pubs around Tubingen. These escapades (along with Hegel’s cutting of lectures and his continual oversleeping) did not go unnoticed by the proctors, and the records show Hegel being cited several times for such breaches of the rules. The records also show him being thrown into the student jail for a couple of hours in 1791; Hegel’s infraction had to do with his having ridden on horseback without permission with a couple of friends to a neighboring village and then having arrived back at the Seminary too late - the reason being that the horse belonging to one of Hegel’s friends, a Frenchman studying at the Seminary, became sick, and Hegel and another friend, J. C. F. Fink, refused to ride back without him; the result of Hegel’s disobedience to the rules was some mandatory time spent in the student jail, the Karzer.^ As is often the case with students, Hegel also become fond of frequenting the taverns with his friends. His condition on returning to the Seminary late one night prompted one of the older porters at the Seminary gates to exclaim, “Oh Hegel, you’re for sure going to drink away what little intellect you have.”*' On yet another occasion, when the porter admonished him with, “Hegel, you’re going to drink yourself to death,” Hegel replied (surely in a slurred and bleary tone) that he had “just had a little refreshment.”'” His sister remembered Hegel in his students days as a jovial sort who loved both to dance and to visit the ladies."
? ? 但是他還不能完全理解這些深奧的東西。黑格爾仍舊喜愛交際，跟許多學生一樣，他和同學一反嚴格的學術環境，而彼此結成兄弟般的情誼。黑格爾愛玩牌（玩牌是他在斯圖加特讀小學時就欣賞的，并且余生樂此不疲），和朋友們討論問題，一次次在圖賓根周圍的許多酒店，參加溫馨的酒會。這些越軌行為（連同黑格爾曠課和不斷的睡過頭）沒有逃脫學監的眼睛，有關記錄表明，黑格爾這些違規行為，多次被記錄在案。有關記錄還顯示，1791年他被學校關禁閉兩小時；黑格爾的違規與未經允許和兩個朋友一起騎馬去附近村莊、后來很遲才回到神學院有關。——回來遲的原因在于，那匹馬突然病了，馬的主人是黑格爾一位在神學院就讀的法國朋友，黑格爾和另一位朋友J.C.F.芬克，在未經法國朋友允許情況下，拒絕騎著病馬回神學院；結果是黑格爾被強制性地關了禁閉(the Karzer)。像學生常常都喜歡喝酒一樣，黑格爾同樣也喜歡常和朋友一起出去喝兩盅。一天深夜，黑格爾回到神學院時，步履蹣跚醉意朦朧，神學院一上了年紀的門衛怒其不爭，大聲呵斥道，“啊呀，黑格爾，你再這樣喝下去，肯定會成為傻瓜的”。然而，另一次，當這門衛用“黑格爾，你打算喝 28死”來警告他時，他回答道（確實用一種含糊不清的語調說）自己“只是提了點神”。”妹妹不會忘記，黑格爾在學生時代，是性情中人，愛跳舞，近女色。”
However much it might be tempting to romanticize Hegel’s time at Tubingen - as a time of good friends, wine, ideas, revolution (and unfortunately fleeting attempts at romance) - such romanticizing would obscure the fundamental anxieties that plagued Hegel and his friends Schelling and Holderlin for their entire stay there. Although the lack of open positions for pastors was so great that they did not reasonably have to worry much about being forced into the profession against their wishes, like all the students at the Seminary they attended the institution on a stipend, and in order to secure entry to the Seminary each had been required to sign an oath of obligation that he would devote himself to theology and to becoming a minister. Each was therefore under legal obligation to the authorities in Wiirttemberg to take a pastoral post if assigned to one. Hegel must have found some relief in the fact that a person such as himself, who regularly got very low marks for his sermons, would not be among the few who would be chosen for such scarce positions.
? ? 不管圖賓根有多少東西可能誘使黑格爾有著浪漫的時光——譬如，交友、喝酒、談論新思想、向往革命（帶有遺憾的淺嘗輒止的浪漫）——這樣的浪漫時光，當然只能使黑格爾及其朋友謝林和荷爾德林，暫時忘掉為整天待在那里而煩惱的基本焦慮。牧師的缺口很大，以至于他們沒有理由擔心被迫違心地選擇職業，但是和圖賓根神學院的所有學生一樣，他們在這所學府就讀，是享受獎學金的，而為確保進神學院，每個學生都被要求在義務誓約上簽名，保證他將獻身于神學，致力于做一名牧師。因此，每個學生都肩負符騰堡當局的法律義務，將來當一名牧師，如果他屬于符騰堡當局選派來的話。黑格爾想必在下面的事實中找到了一些寬慰；一個人譬如黑格爾本人布道常常得分很低，不會成為屈指可數的那樣些人，他們將被選出擔任這種稀缺的牧師職位。
To thwart even the remote possibility of such a fate, Hegel attempted (as did Holderlin) to shift over to the study of law after his master’s exam (that is, after he had completed his two-year program of general and philosophical studies and before he was to begin his three-year program of theological studies). His father, however, refused to let him make the switch. This quite obviously irritated Hegel no small amount.? Unlike so many other generations of Hegels, his father had not become a pastor but had instead studied law at Tubingen; it is probably fair to assume therefore that the relations between father and son were a bit strained on this issue, as they also apparently were on the issue of the Revolution. Hegel had no qualms about debating his father on the contentious issue of the Revolution, an issue about which his father took an emphatically different position from Hegel’s own, siding with the aristocrats.'^
? ? 甚至為了阻止這絕少可能發生的命運出現，黑格爾試圖（像荷爾德林力圖做的）在他參加家庭教師資格考試后轉學法律（即，在他完成關于常規學習和哲學學習的兩年計劃后，在他開始關于神學學習的三年計劃之前)。不過，父親拒絕讓他轉學法律。不言而喻，這使黑格爾大為惱火。跟黑格爾家族中許多其他代人不同，父親沒有當牧師而反倒在圖賓根學法律；所以，說不定父子關系由于這個問題而有點緊張，像他們同樣由于法國大革命問題而表現出的緊張一樣，這種假設是極有可能的。對與父親辯論法國大革命這一問題，黑格爾并不感到內疚，父親持的立場斷然不同于黑格爾的，父親站在法國貴族·邊。”
? ? There is no record of why Hegel’s father actually refused to let him make the switch, but one obvious ground was that young Hegel had been required to sign a paper obligating him to the study of theology.? and his father had been required to pledge his property to sustain his son’s studies if he were to be accepted for a stipend at the Seminary.? No doubt his father’s upright old Wiirttemberg sense that “a man’s word was his word” played a role in this; no doubt his worries about possible legal claims on his property also played no small part. Perhaps some dismay and irritation over his son’s revolutionary leanings also inclined him to want to keep him out of a political career (fearing the worst for him were he to pursue it). In any event, the young Hegel was compelled to complete his theological training, always under the constant worry that the authorities of Wiirttemberg might force him after all to assume some pastor’s post in some village somewhere in the duchy. What had seemed a few years before like a good career choice had come to seem like a possible life sentence; the threat was, moreover, to hang over him for many years to come. If anything, that disappointment only caused him to dive into his extracurricular reading with even more dedication and intensity than he had before.
? ? 父親為何確實拒絕讓黑格爾轉學法律，這一緣由現已無從查考，但一個明顯的理由在于，青年黑格爾已被要求在一份文件上簽了名，29 在一份使自己有義務從事神學學習的文件上簽了名，而父親早就被要求許諾有權供兒子完成學業，如果他接受神學院獎學金的話。毋庸置疑，父親的正直的古騰堡觀念即“說一不二”，在這件事上起著非常重要的作用；毋庸置疑，他可能對自己權利的合法要求的擔心，也起著不小的作用。大概他對兒子的革命知識的驚恐和惱怒，同樣使他傾向于要使兒子遠離政治（在他看來，他擔心的是，最壞的有可能就是，兒子所要追求的東西)。無論如何，青年黑格爾是被迫完成了神學培訓，并始終心懷憂慮——符騰堡當局畢竟可能迫使他在某個時候，在公爵領地某個村莊擔任某個牧師工作。幾年之前看似一份好的職業選擇，現在可能看似無期徒刑；而且，這種威脅多年來一直在步步逼近他。要說有什么區別的話，這種失望只是致使他比以前更加專心地、更加充滿激情地一頭鉆進課外閱讀。
? ? In his great year of youthful rebellion, 1791, he also became quite taken with the daughter of a deceased professor of theology in Tubingen, Auguste Hegelmaier. Auguste lived with her mother in a baker’s house in town. The baker also ran a wineshop where students congregated, so Hegel naturally found himself at home there. He was continually to be found at the baker’s shop, drinking the wine and wooing Auguste, who worked at the wine bar. Hegel inscribed in his friend J. C. F. Fink’s album in 1791, “Last summer was beautiful; this one more beautiful! The motto of the former was: Wine; of this one. Love!” and he wrote after it, “V.A.!!!” (for Vive Auguste).'^ His friend Fallot also wrote “Vive A!!!” in Hegel’s album, and his French friend from Montbeliard, Bernard, wrote, “V. La belle Augustine” - but then added (in French) “for you! And C ... for me alone!”, indicating that he was not a competitor for Auguste’s affections.'"* Hegel was even led to help organize a summer ball of which Auguste was named the queen.? (Hegel maintained a life-long love of balls and dancing.) Unfortunately for him, Hegel’s affections were not requited; it seems that Auguste’s affections, even if only for a while, went instead to Hegel’s good friend J. C. F. Fink. (Unfortunately, we cannot tell just how good a friend Fink remained after this affair.) Hegel was surely disappointed by his failure in love, although, typically, he made no comments in his diary about this emotional issue; his sister later remarked, though, that at this time he seemed to hold out few hopes in the area of romance. His “summer of love” ended only with a broken heart.
? ? 在他青年時期離經叛道的偉大之年即1791年，他還被圖賓根已故神學教授女兒，奧古斯特·黑格爾邁爾弄得神魂顛倒。奧古斯特和母親生活在一起，住的是城里一個面包店店主的房子。面包店店主兼營酒店，學生們常常小聚于此，所以，黑格爾自然發現，在這里有賓至如歸之感。他頻繁出現在面包店店主酒店，喝酒和追求酒吧服務生奧古斯特。1791年，黑格爾在朋友J.C.F.芬克簽名簿上題寫道，“去夏美；今夏更美!去夏座右銘：酒；今夏座右銘，愛!”在這之后他寫著“V.A.!!!”（代表Vive Auguste）。”朋友法洛特在黑格爾簽名簿上寫下“Vive A!!!”，來自蒙貝利亞爾法國朋友貝爾納寫道，“V.奧古斯特美人”，——但接著（用法文）加上“屬于你!而只有C……是我的!”表明他對奧古斯特不會橫刀奪愛。“黑格爾甚至被弄到這樣的地步，出面幫助舉辦一場以奧古斯特女王為名的季夏球賽。”（黑格爾終身愛球和舞。）不幸的是，對黑格爾來說，他沒有享受到報之以李；現在看，似乎奧古斯特反倒移情別戀，看上黑格爾好友J.C.F.芬克，縱使是短暫的。不幸的是，在這件風流韻事發生之后，芬克仍然是黑格爾一位怎樣的好朋友呢?對此我們不得而知。然而，跟通常的失戀者一樣，黑格爾確被愛情上失敗弄得心灰意冷，他在日記中對感情問題未置一詞；不過，妹妹后來評論道，通過這次：苦澀之愛，威廉看似對情場已不抱多大希望。他的“愛之夏”僅以一顆破碎的心收場。
