3 From Berne to Frankfurt to Jena: Failed Projects and Fresh Starts

Berne: Second Thoughts

第3章 “從伯爾尼到法蘭克福再到耶拿時(shí)期：失敗的計(jì)劃和新的開始”(1)

伯爾尼：第二批想法

IN September of 1793, Hegel took his examination from the church authorities in Wiirttemberg (the Konsistorialexamen) and passed. In October of 1793, he began the first of his two stints as a Hofmeister, a private tutor to well-off families, having acquired his position as tutor in the usual way that young men in those days acquired such positions: totally by accident. A Berne patrician, Captain Carl Friedrich von Steiger, had set out to find a private tutor for his two children. A young graduate of the Tubingen Seminary, a certain Herr Schwindrazheim, had been recommended to Captain von Steiger, and he decided to do some secret checking up on Mr. Schwindrazheim’s qualifications and character. He had a confidante investigate him in Stuttgart, and the results were not exactly favorable for Herr Schwindrazheim. However, another young man, a certain young Hegel, was instead recommended by the relevant people in Tubingen, including the proprietor (Johannes Brodhag) of an inn called the Golden Ox. (The innkeeper was later to become famous in biographies of Schiller, who had earlier frequented the place.) Captain von Steiger managed to get in touch with Hegel, there was some dickering on Hegel’s part about the money involved (Switzerland was even then recognized as an expensive place to live), and the deal was finally struck.

? ? 1793年9月，黑格爾在符騰堡參加了由教會(huì)機(jī)構(gòu)組織的考試（Korzsistorialeramer）并通過了這次考試。在以和那時(shí)的青年人一樣通常采用的方式獲得家庭教師資格之后，1793年10月他開始為富家子弟擔(dān)任兩個(gè)規(guī)定任期中第一個(gè)Uofeister（家庭教師）任期：而黑格爾當(dāng)上家庭教師純屬偶然。伯爾尼一位貴族，卡爾·弗里德里希·馮·施泰格爾上尉，早就試圖為他兩個(gè)孩子找一名家庭教師。圖賓根神學(xué)院一位年輕畢業(yè)生，名叫赫爾·施溫德拉茨海姆的人，被向施泰格爾上尉作了引薦，而施泰格爾決定暗中考察一下施溫德拉茨海姆先生的能力和人品。他委托一位紅粉知己已在斯圖加特代為考察，考察的結(jié)果對(duì)赫爾·施溫德拉茨海姆極其不利。不過，另一位青年人，名叫黑格爾的青年人，反而被圖賓根有關(guān)人士——其中包括稱作金牛酒店的老板（約翰內(nèi)斯·布羅德哈格）——向施泰格爾作了引薦。（這家酒店老板后因《席勒傳》而聞名，席勒早年經(jīng)常光顧他的酒店。）馮·施泰格爾上尉安排時(shí)間和黑格爾見面，并在涉及黑格爾報(bào)酬問題上討價(jià)還價(jià)（瑞士甚至在那時(shí)就被認(rèn)作高消費(fèi)的地方），待遇最終敲定了下來。

Hegel’s stint as a private tutor was typical of the career of young educated men of those days. In the prevailing system of education, many aristocratic and even fairly well-off bourgeois families hired private tutors for their children. (Hegel, for example, had some private tutors while attending school in Stuttgart.) To this end, young men were contracted to provide education for the children at home or often simply to accompany a young aristocrat on something like his grand tour, a fashion that the German aristocracy had taken over from the English. On the grand tour, the young aristocrat would journey to various important cities, visit the local luminaries, and come back not only having seen the world but also presumably having acquired some education along the way. This last was not always the case: The aristocracy hired private tutors not generally because they valued education highly; just as frequently, the young tutor was hired simply to watch over his young lord’s bad habits, help him to avoid some of their nastier consequences, and explain to the otherwise clueless young aristocrat why this particular intellectual luminary he was about to visit or that particular church he was seeing was important. Indeed, manuals for tutors at the time advised the tutor to keep his aristocratic charge away from the three bad W’s: “Wein, Weiber, Wiirfel” (wine, women, and dice).' The young men hired were frequently those who had achieved a diploma in theology, since there was an enormous surplus of them (thus driving their price down), and because it was felt that such novice divines would be the proper moral accompaniment for a young, impressionable, wealthy aristocrat out for the first time on his own (and who, after all, was destined to become a patriarchal figure to his peasantry after his father departed the scene). As far as such things went, such tours were the kinds of things that young theologians often desired since they gave them a chance to be introduced to society and to see the world for themselves. Schelling, for example, himself was hired to accompany a young noble on a tour of England and France, and although he was originally quite enthusiastic about this opportunity, his enthusiasm dampened after the revolutionary upheavals of the time caused his employer to switch the itinerary to a tour of major German cities. Schelling ended up not with Paris and London but instead with Leipzig and Jena.

? ? 黑格爾的定期家庭教師是那時(shí)有學(xué)識(shí)青年典型的職業(yè)。在當(dāng)時(shí)通行的教育制度下，許多貴族家庭甚至頗為富裕的資產(chǎn)階級(jí)家庭爭(zhēng)相為他們子女雇傭家庭教師。（例如，黑格爾在入斯圖加特中學(xué)時(shí)就已請(qǐng)過一些家庭教師。）說到底，有學(xué)識(shí)青年立約受雇，為學(xué)前兒童提供教育或常常只是陪貴族子弟做大旅行之類的事，大旅行是當(dāng)時(shí)德國貴族承襲英國人的一種做法。在大旅行期間，貴族子弟通常游覽不同的名城要隘，拜會(huì)當(dāng)?shù)氐奈幕耍氐郊視r(shí)不但開了眼界而且可能在旅途中也獲得些教育。近來情況卻發(fā)生了變化：貴族們雇傭家庭教師，通常不是因?yàn)樗麄兏叨戎匾暯逃徽窠?jīng)常出現(xiàn)的情況一樣，年輕的家庭教師只是被用來留心他的少東家的不良習(xí)慣，使他們做高尚的人，向這些高人一等而年幼無知的貴族子弟解釋，這類他們打算拜訪的知識(shí)界特殊名人或這類他們將要看到的特殊教堂，其重要性何在。實(shí)際上，在那時(shí)的家庭教師指南上，建議家庭教師的責(zé)任在于，使貴族子弟遠(yuǎn)離以W開頭的三個(gè)壞字，“Wein，Weiber，Witirfel”（酒、色、賭）。這些受雇青年人通常是那些已獲得神學(xué)文憑者，這是因?yàn)檫@類青年大量過剩（故而他們只得低薪受雇），而且因?yàn)槿藗冇X得，這些初出茅廬的牧師，從道德上說適合陪伴貴族子弟，這是因?yàn)橘F族子弟年輕、敏感、富有，萌動(dòng)著獨(dú)立處事的活望（而且他們畢竟注定要子承父業(yè)獨(dú)當(dāng)一面）。就其本身而言，這種游歷成了一種年輕的神學(xué)工作者所常常期望的事情，因?yàn)檫@種旅行使他們有機(jī)會(huì)了解社會(huì)和觀察世界。舉例來說，謝林本人曾受雇將陪一位貴族子弟去英格蘭和法蘭西旅游；他起初對(duì)這個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)滿懷熱情，但在那時(shí)的革命動(dòng)亂后熱情大減，因?yàn)楦锩顾墓椭鞲臑槿サ聡蟪鞘新糜巍Ｖx林最終不是陪貴族子弟去游覽巴黎和倫敦而倒是陪其去了萊比錫和耶拿。

Hegel was not so lucky: He was engaged not for a grand tour of the world or, for that matter, even for a venture to Leipzig, but instead simply to tutor two young children (ages six and nine) at home. Captain von Steiger was particularly interested in having the young tutor teach his children reformed religion, languages, history, geography, arithmetic, and music.^ Dismal as such a prospect might have seemed, it appealed to Hegel because it offered him both the excuse to conclude his studies in Tubingen early and the possibility of beginning his career as a Popularphilosoph^ a “popular philosopher,” the German equivalent of both the free spirited philosophes of the French Enlightenment and of the Scottish philosophers. Like the philosophes and their Scottish counterparts, the German “popular philosophers” set themselves the task of doing philosophy in a manner accessible to the educated public and of explaining to the general public the more demanding ideas of modern, enlightened philosophy (such as Kant’s). The idea behind the movement of the “popular philosophers” was that the widespread discussion and dissemination of such philosophical ideas would assist the overall Enlightenment goal of promoting the application of reason to human affairs. The expanding number of popular journals of culture also made it possible for such “popular philosophers” to earn money from writing articles. Although the honoraria for pieces published in such journals were certainly not on the grand scale, neither were they trivial.

? ? 黑格爾很是背運(yùn)：他并沒有受雇于世界大旅行，就此而言，甚或就連去萊比錫的機(jī)會(huì)也沒有，反而只是在家輔導(dǎo)兩個(gè)公子（一個(gè)6歲一個(gè)9歲）的功課。馮·施泰格爾上尉特別感興趣聘用年輕家庭教師為他的子女講授宗教改革、語言、歷史、地理、算術(shù)和音樂。盡管這項(xiàng)工作看起來好像前景暗淡，卻引起了黑格爾的興趣，因?yàn)檫@使他有理由早點(diǎn)結(jié)束在圖賓根的學(xué)習(xí)和使他有可能開始當(dāng)一名PopularphilosopR即一名“通俗哲學(xué)家”，德國人將這樣的通俗哲學(xué)家等同于法國啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)中精神上自由的哲學(xué)家和蘇格蘭哲學(xué)家。像這樣的哲學(xué)家和他們的蘇格蘭的對(duì)手一樣，德國通俗哲學(xué)家用下列的一種方式來給他們自己提出任務(wù)：一種使受過教育的公眾可以理解和能向一般公眾講清他們更需要現(xiàn)代具有啟迪的哲學(xué)（例如康德哲學(xué)）思想的方式。“通俗哲學(xué)家”運(yùn)動(dòng)的潛臺(tái)詞是對(duì)這樣的哲學(xué)思想廣泛討論和播撒將有助于促進(jìn)理性在人類事務(wù)中的應(yīng)用這一全部啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)的目標(biāo)。通俗文化雜志數(shù)量上的增加也使這樣的“通俗哲學(xué)家”可通過寫文章賺錢。但是發(fā)表在這樣雜志上的文章稿酬既不是豐厚的也不是微不足道的。

The alternative to becoming a “popular philosopher” was getting a position at a university, but this was fraught with its own special difficulties. First, there was no clear way (besides being a member of a professor’s family) to gain a position in a German university, and second, the state of German universities at the time was, with few exceptions, so dismal that nobody with Hegel’s ambitions would have even desired such a position. Since the position of private tutor - Hofmeister was often taken as a good way for a young man to make contacts with the wider world, to be introduced into society, and to have time for his own scholarly work, a person like Hegel would naturally have been attracted to such a position. If nothing else, the position of Hofmeister held out the possibility of making a name for oneself with the people that counted, so that later one could lay claim to being the kind of learned gentleman who would be appropriate for a university post, if such a thing became desirable.

? ? 想當(dāng)一名“通俗哲學(xué)家”，此選擇需要得到一個(gè)大學(xué)職位，但是這條路充滿它自己特有的困難。首先，沒有明確的方法（除了成為教授大家庭中的一員之外）使人去獲得一個(gè)德國大學(xué)職位，其次，那時(shí)德國大學(xué)幾乎無例外，它們的狀況前景十分暗淡以致像黑格爾這樣具有雄心壯志的人大概完全不會(huì)渴望得到這樣的一個(gè)職位。因?yàn)榧彝ソ處煛狧o/eister——的職位常常被看作一條被年輕人借以接觸更廣闊世界的好途徑，一條把年輕人領(lǐng)入社會(huì)的好途徑，一條使年輕人能夠有時(shí)間進(jìn)行他們自己的學(xué)術(shù)研究的好途徑，一個(gè)像黑格爾這樣的人也許自然而然地受到了這樣一個(gè)職位的吸引。如果說沒有其他特別之處的話，家庭教師這個(gè)職位至少致使人們有可能使自己的名字為一些人記住，所以接下來，人們可以聲稱自己屬于有學(xué)問的紳士之類，這樣的紳士適合在大學(xué)工作，如果這樣的工作是值得擁有的話。

Like so many other young intellectuals of that period (and even like Kant a generation before), Hegel thus began his career as a Hofmeister, and the experience did not exactly endear the aristocracy to him. The position was almost certain to disappoint him; in fact, the whole encounter led Hegel into a serious depression. Again, Hegel shared that experience with many young intellectuals of his generation. The position of Hofmeister was by the end of the eighteenth century racked with social stresses and contradictions: On the one hand, the Hofmeister was a servant, a domestic; on the other hand, he was not only more educated than the other domestics, he was almost certainly better educated than his employers. The husband and wife of the house therefore generally treated him only slightly better than the other, more lowly domestics, which is to say that they did not treat him well at all. (For example, one of the burning issues of the time for such families concerned whether the Hofmeister should eat with the family or with the servants.) For a young man like Hegel, who came from a family of good social status, such a position of social inferiority was especially grating.

? ? 像那個(gè)時(shí)期很多其他知識(shí)青年一樣（甚至像之前的康德那代人一樣），黑格爾因此以當(dāng)家庭教師開始自己的職業(yè)生涯，這樣的經(jīng)歷并不完全使他感到貴族的喜愛。這個(gè)職位幾乎可以肯定是使他失望的；實(shí)際上，整個(gè)遭遇致使黑格爾變得非常沮喪。再者，黑格爾有著他那代很多知識(shí)青年共同具有的經(jīng)歷。家庭教師這個(gè)職位到18世紀(jì)末期因社會(huì)壓力和矛盾而陷入窘迫的境地：一方面，家庭教師是仆從和傭人；另一方面，他們不僅僅比其他傭人受過更多的教育，他們幾乎無疑在受教育程度上好于雇主。家庭中的丈夫和妻子因此一般待他們略好于其他人，更好于地位低下的傭人，也就是說丈夫和妻子對(duì)家庭教師根本不是很好。（例如，那時(shí)對(duì)于這樣的家庭迫在眉睫的問題之一涉及家庭教師是應(yīng)該跟雇主家人共同進(jìn)餐還是跟仆人共同吃飯。）對(duì)于像黑格爾這樣的來自于社會(huì)地位較好家庭的青年人來說，這樣一個(gè)社會(huì)地位低下的職位聽起來特別刺耳。

This position of being both socially below the husband and wife but slightly higher than the rest of the domestic staff also did not exactly endear the typical poor young Hofmeister to the other domestics, so he was generally alienated not only from the husband and wife but from the other domestics as well, and indeed quite often was treated by them with rudeness bordering on contempt. Even in those situations where he was treated much better than the other domestics and was even allowed to eat with the family instead of with the other domestics, he was still clearly a social inferior and was always treated as such. The literature of the time abounds with anecdotes of incidents in which a Hofmeister unwittingly oversteps the social boundaries and assumes a familiarity with the family to which he is not entitled and for which he is immediately and publicly humiliated and rebuffed. Moreover, the children whom he was teaching quite often also held him in disconcertingly low regard, since they had often internalized not only a sense of their own social superiority but also an understanding that they would one day be running things whether they were educated or not, hence making his admonitions to behave and do their lessons seem quite irrelevant. Quite often he became against his own wishes the unhappy mediator between not only the children and their parents but between the parents themselves. Along with all that, the position came with low pay and absolutely no job security.

? ? 家庭教師這個(gè)職位低于家庭中丈夫和妻子的社會(huì)地位而略高于家庭其余人員的社會(huì)地位，這樣的職位同樣也無法使這些典型的貧窮的年輕家庭教師受到其他傭人的喜愛，所以家庭教師一般不僅疏遠(yuǎn)家庭中丈夫和妻子而且也疏遠(yuǎn)家里的其他傭人，實(shí)際上家庭教師經(jīng)常遭到他們以近似侮辱的方式粗暴對(duì)待。甚至在家庭教師待遇遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)好于其他傭人甚至缺乏責(zé)亡i勺〔足[更雇主象熹人而茸鬢跟〕匡嗲也{j寺…丨\共同京婪l亡餐′卜盲況下'家庭教師仍然明顯具有較低的社會(huì)地位和總是遭到他們以近乎侮辱的方式粗暴對(duì)待。那時(shí)文學(xué)作品中充滿關(guān)于家庭教師的趣聞?shì)W事，在這些趣聞?shì)W事中家庭教師無意中跨越了社會(huì)階層的界線，妄想自己是熟悉自己無資格成為其中成員的家庭的、因此家庭教師立即遭到羞辱和公開地冷遇。尚不止于此，家庭教師所教的孩子們同樣也常常讓家庭教師自認(rèn)為因受到弟子的小瞥而感到狼狽不堪，原因在于，這些孩子常常不僅把他們自己的社會(huì)地位優(yōu)越感內(nèi)化，而且他們也明白無論自己是不是受過教育終將有一天會(huì)飛黃騰達(dá)，因此讓家庭教師去勸告他們循規(guī)蹈矩地做事和做功課看來好像是白費(fèi)力氣。常常他們違反自己意愿，不僅充當(dāng)子女與父母之間的令自己苦不堪言的調(diào)解人，而且充當(dāng)許多父母間的令自己苦惱的調(diào)解人。與所有這些一起，還有就是這個(gè)職位薪水較低，絕對(duì)毫無工作保障。

The results of such a set of tensions and contradictions were predictable. The isolation, the petty humiliations, and the insecurity common to the position of Hofmeister led regularly to bouts of resignation, depression, and crushing loss of self-confidence among such young men and Hegel was no exception. By the end of the eighteenth century, not only was this becoming increasingly noted in the literature surrounding the institution of the Hofmeister^ the Hofmeisters themselves were be- coming both very self-conscious regarding their bad treatment and very critical of the institution itself -^

? ? 這樣的一系列緊張與矛盾所帶來的結(jié)果是可想而知的。家庭教師這個(gè)職業(yè)通常具有的孤獨(dú)、地位卑微和無保障，常常有規(guī)律地導(dǎo)致這樣的青年人的一次次辭職、沮喪和自信徹底喪失——黑格爾當(dāng)然也概莫能外。到18世紀(jì)末，圍繞著家庭教師這個(gè)為人熟悉的職業(yè)不僅日益變得受到某些文學(xué)作品的關(guān)注，而且家庭教師自己也十分清楚地意識(shí)到這種糟糕的待遇和對(duì)這個(gè)為人熟悉的職業(yè)本身的嚴(yán)厲批評(píng)。

More importantly, Hegel had been imbued from his early Stuttgart days with the ideals of Bildung, that is, of education and self-cultivation, of becoming a man of knowledge and good taste, and he had fused his commitment to Bildung with his ideals of the Revolution as a moral and spiritual renewal of the German people. Hegel was the young man who had excerpted Moses Mendelssohn’s essay “What Is Enlightenment?” in his teenage journal and had noted how Mendelssohn had virtually equated Enlightenment itself with Bildung, the idea of education as the cultivation of taste and good judgment. During his stay at the university, which had coincided with his passionate endorsement of the French Revolution, he had, like many other young men of his generation, come to think of the revolutionary moral and spiritual renewal of Germany in terms of establishing a new elite of educated leaders (men of Bildung) to rule the country. In Hegel’s mind, the new revolutionary order would bring about a state of affairs in which men of learning, taste, and cultivation would be running things instead of the undereducated, pompous, corrupt aristocracy represented by families such as the von Steigers.

? ? 更為重要的是，黑格爾早在斯圖加特日子里就已深受教養(yǎng)這樣的理想影響，也就是說，就已深受教育和自我修養(yǎng)這樣的理想影響、就已深受做一個(gè)有知識(shí)和趣味高尚的人這樣的理想的影響，他早已把他對(duì)教養(yǎng)的承諾跟他關(guān)于法國大革命的理想精合成德國人一種道德和精神的重生。黑格爾這位年輕人在青年時(shí)期日記中對(duì)莫澤斯·門德爾松“什么是啟蒙？”這篇論文作了摘錄，并且強(qiáng)調(diào)門德爾松怎樣實(shí)際上把啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)本身等同于教養(yǎng)，把教育這個(gè)概念當(dāng)作品味和良好判斷的培養(yǎng)看待。在始終伴隨著對(duì)法國大革命的熱烈支持的大學(xué)生活期間，他像他那代很多其他年輕人一樣著手按照確立由新的精英式知識(shí)型領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者（有教養(yǎng)者）統(tǒng)治這個(gè)國家來思考革命性巨變給德國帶來道德和精神上的重生。在黑格爾心目中，新的革命秩序?qū)?huì)造成形勢(shì)的變化，因此那些有學(xué)識(shí)有品位有修養(yǎng)的人們將會(huì)飛黃騰達(dá)，而那由諸如馮·施泰格爾家這樣的家庭所代表的貴族，因其未受良好教育傲慢浮華腐化沒落而做不到飛黃騰達(dá)。

The idea itself of Bildung was one of those things that was in the air at the time and came with considerable controversy attached to it. By Hegel’s time, the idea had been distinguished from that of Erziehung, education. Bildung incorporated within itself the notion of true education and cultivation as in turn demanding self-formation. As it were, one could become educated (in the passive tense, represented by the term Erziehung), but one had to make oneself'mto a cultivated-educated person (in the active tense, represented by the term Bildung)."* Bildung required self-activity, self-development, and self-direction.

? ? 教養(yǎng)這個(gè)概念本身是在那時(shí)那些空中樓閣式東西中的一個(gè)，隨同教養(yǎng)概念而來的是與教養(yǎng)相連的相當(dāng)大的爭(zhēng)論。到黑格爾時(shí)代，教養(yǎng)這個(gè)概念被區(qū)別于Erziehung即教育這個(gè)概念。教養(yǎng)本質(zhì)上反過來把真教育和修養(yǎng)概念合并成人們要求自我建構(gòu)。可以說，（從由教育這一術(shù)語所代表的被動(dòng)語態(tài)角度看）一個(gè)人可能受過教育，但是（從由教育這一術(shù)語所代表的主動(dòng)語態(tài)角度看）一個(gè)人卻必須使自己成為一個(gè)有教養(yǎng)的受過教育的人。教養(yǎng)要求人們自發(fā)活動(dòng)、自我發(fā)展和自我指導(dǎo)。

In Hegel’s day, one of the major issues about the nature of Bildung was its relation to Enlightenment. Was a cultivated-educated person also an enlightened person? Although some thought that the two were distinct, many suspected that in fact they were so essentially linked that the call for young men to acquire Bildung was ipso facto a call for them to become “enlightened,” which in turn for the more retrograde elements of German life, was itself tantamount to a demand to make them into French revolutionaries, perhaps even into Jacobins intent on mur- dering the aristocracy and the leaders of the church. Mendelssohn, after all, had identified Bildung with Enlightenment, and Kant had claimed that to be enlightened was equivalent to thinking for oneself, and to many of the retrogrades, that in itself was equivalent to Jacobinism.? Needless to say, this debate was also joined by those who wished to distinguish “true” Bildung from “false” or “corrupted” Bildung, that is, true self-cultivation from that kind that led one to become a revolutionary or a democrat. There were cries against the idea of Bildung-, there were even suggestions that, with all the new “reading societies” springing up across what still counted as the Holy Roman Empire, a new disease, that of “reading addiction” {Lesesucht), was arising, an ailment which was believed likely to strike impressionable young students, loose women, servants not properly respectful of their masters, and other questionable sorts of people.^

? ? 在黑格爾時(shí)代，有關(guān)教養(yǎng)本質(zhì)的主要問題之一是教養(yǎng)與啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)的關(guān)系。一個(gè)有修養(yǎng)的受過教育的人也是一個(gè)開明的人嗎？一些人認(rèn)為二者是有區(qū)別的，但是很多人認(rèn)為其實(shí)它們之間存在著非常重要的聯(lián)系，也就是說，要求年輕人獲得教養(yǎng)實(shí)際上就是要求他們成為“開明的人”，這樣的要求本身對(duì)于德國人生活中較為反常的元素來說反倒是相當(dāng)于要求促使他們投身于法國大革命，甚或促使他們投入意在謀殺貴族和宗教領(lǐng)袖的雅各賓派懷抱。門德爾松畢竟早已認(rèn)為教養(yǎng)與啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)相關(guān)聯(lián)，而且康德早已聲稱開明等同于獨(dú)立思考，在很多智者的人看來，這樣的看法本質(zhì)上等同于雅各賓主義。不用說，這種爭(zhēng)論被那些人加入，他們想要區(qū)別“真的”教養(yǎng)和“假的”或“拙劣的”教養(yǎng)，也即想要區(qū)別真的自我修養(yǎng)和那種能讓人成為革命者或民主主義者的自我修養(yǎng)。有人大聲反對(duì)教養(yǎng)；甚至有人提出，新的“閱讀社”在那仍然被算作神圣羅馬帝國的土地上到處涌現(xiàn)，但是一種新的病癥或一種“讀書癖”（Lesesucht）病癥在逐漸興起，它作為一種疾病很可能據(jù)信突然侵襲易受影響的年輕學(xué)生、思想解放的女性、那些不能彬彬有禮地尊敬主人的仆人以及其他種類有問題的人們。

One of the most striking characteristics about the idea of Bildung, of course, was that it transcended the idea of the old society of orders, of “estates” to which one belonged by birth, much as the earlier French idea of a “man of letters” had done.? To be a person of Bildung had nothing to do with one’s birth but with how one directed and formed oneself; men (and women) of Bildung thus had a claim to status that directly contradicted the traditional claims of birth and estate. A man like Hegel could claim, for example, to be the kind of person who had the “right” to be at the center of things by virtue of how he had made himself into a cultivated-educated man, independent of whether his family was or was not a member of the Ehrbarkeit of Wiirttemberg, and certainly independent of whether he had been born into any kind of aristocratic patriciate (such as was the case with the ruling class in Berne, including the von Steiger family). Nor was the idea of Bildung as something that legitimated claims to leadership or to ruling status confined to the bourgeoisie in their conflict over status with the nobility; the men who claimed Bildung for themselves were usually laying claim to an elite status that separated them both from nobility and from what they often took to be the philistine bourgeoisie. The man of Bildung often took himself to be “above” both the nobility and bourgeoisie.

? ? 教養(yǎng)這個(gè)概念的最惹人注目的特征之一當(dāng)然是它超越了舊有的社會(huì)秩序這個(gè)概念，它超越了一個(gè)人天生所屬的“社會(huì)等級(jí)”這個(gè)概念，幾乎等同于法國較早的“文人”這個(gè)概念所具有的含義。想成為一個(gè)有教養(yǎng)的人，與一個(gè)人的出身毫無關(guān)系，而與一個(gè)人如何指導(dǎo)自己和如何塑造自己有關(guān)；有教養(yǎng)的男子（和女子）因此聲稱要擁有一種與家庭出身和社會(huì)等級(jí)這些傳統(tǒng)要求直接相反的社會(huì)地位。舉例來說，一個(gè)像黑格爾這樣的人可能主張要成為這樣一種人，他有“權(quán)利”借助某種東西使自己成為眾星捧月的人物，這種東西就是他這么早已使自己成為有教養(yǎng)的受過教育的人，就是他這么早已使自己不受無論他的家庭是還是不是符騰堡受人尊敬一員的限制，當(dāng)然就是他這么早使自己不受他是不是出身于任何種類的貴族階層（例如他是不是出身于伯爾尼統(tǒng)治階級(jí)，包括馮·施泰格爾家族）的限制。教養(yǎng)這個(gè)概念也不是作為某種關(guān)于領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位的合法要求的東西或某種關(guān)于局限于資產(chǎn)階級(jí)在與貴族地位發(fā)生沖突時(shí)對(duì)統(tǒng)治地位的合法要求的東西；那些自認(rèn)為具有教養(yǎng)的人通常都主張，精英地位區(qū)別他們和貴族，區(qū)別他們和他們常常被看作的平庸的資產(chǎn)階級(jí)。有教養(yǎng)的人常常自認(rèn)為“高于”貴族和資產(chǎn)階級(jí)。

Tubingen, Hegel had come to identify the French Revolution with moral and spiritual renewal and, under the influence of his admiration for ancient Greece, to equate it with the coming reign of beauty and freedom. For Hegel as for many others, the idea of Bildung fused into this revolutionary-Greek ideal; it was thought that a revolution in Germany would lead to the displacement from leadership of people like the von Steigers and to their replacement with people like Hegel, men of Bildung. For Hegel, the son of a ducal functionary, whose family were people of note (if not “notables”) in Wiirttemberg, who was an educated-cultivated man, who had Bildung, to be treated as a lowly servant by a family that in his eyes represented a dying and corrupt social order with no right to be at the center of things - all this was destined not to sit particularly well with him.

? ? 早在圖賓根時(shí)期，黑格爾就已開始認(rèn)為法國大革命帶來道德與精神的重生，并且在他所仰慕的古希臘影響下，他就已開始把法國大革命等同于正在到來的美和自由的主宰。像對(duì)于很多其他人一樣，對(duì)于黑格爾來說，教養(yǎng)這一概念被融入這個(gè)革命的希臘人的理想；據(jù)認(rèn)為，一場(chǎng)德國革命將會(huì)導(dǎo)致像馮·施泰格爾家族這樣的人們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位的更迭，將會(huì)導(dǎo)致他們將被像黑格爾這樣有教養(yǎng)的人們所取代。對(duì)黑格爾來說，作為一位公爵官員的兒子，他的家庭當(dāng)屬圖賓根的名門望族（如果說不屬于“貴族”的話），他是一位受過教育的有教養(yǎng)的人，他具有教養(yǎng)，卻被當(dāng)作一個(gè)家庭地位低下的什人對(duì)待，家庭在他眼中代表著一種垂死的和腐朽的社會(huì)秩序，沒有權(quán)利處于眾星捧月的地位——所有這些都注定他格外不能接受。

Berne at the time was a self-styled “aristocracy” that in fact was an oligarchy ruled by a small set of families, the von Steigers among them.? It had gradually taken control of the area surrounding it (the Vaud) and then suppressed all attempts by the inhabitants to break free of Bernese rule. The city indulged in the charade of “choosing” its town council by vote of a set of aristocratic families; in fact, the so-called election of which it claimed to be so proud was more a set of power plays by a familiar group of well-entrenched families who regarded their offices as matters of inheritance rather than as dependent on any kind of plebiscite. Not only was the family for which Hegel worked a member of this patrician oligarchy; worse, from his point of view, they were allied with the elements of the Berne patriciate who opposed the French Revolution and advocated an alliance with the Prussians and Austrians against the French. (Relatives of Captain von Steiger belonged to the Bernese “war party” advocating war with revolutionary France.) In one of those odd twists of fate, the young partisan of the Revolution thus found himself working for a family that stood for just about everything he opposed.

? ? 伯爾尼在那時(shí)自封為“貴族統(tǒng)治”，其實(shí)是由很少幾個(gè)家族控制的寡頭統(tǒng)治，馮·施泰格爾家族就是其中一個(gè)家族。它逐漸控制了它周圍的區(qū)域（沃州），接著鎮(zhèn)壓了當(dāng)?shù)鼐用裨噲D擺脫伯爾尼人統(tǒng)治的所有起義。伯爾尼城沉溺于憑借一系列貴族家庭的選舉來“選擇”它自己議會(huì)的游戲。實(shí)際上，這被伯爾尼城聲稱是如此自豪的所謂選舉更像是由一組相互熟悉的根深蒂固家族所玩的一系列權(quán)力游戲，這樣的家族把他們的官職當(dāng)作世襲的而非取決于任何一種公民投票看待。不僅黑格爾所為其服務(wù)的家庭是貴族寡頭統(tǒng)治家族中一員；而且，更糟糕的是，從他的觀點(diǎn)看，貴族寡頭統(tǒng)治家族與伯爾尼貴族成員結(jié)成聯(lián)盟，伯爾尼貴族反對(duì)法國大革命，主張跟普魯士人和奧地利人結(jié)成反法聯(lián)盟。（馮·施泰格爾上尉親戚屬于伯爾尼主張跟革命的法國開戰(zhàn)的“主戰(zhàn)派”。）在這段奇特曲折人生經(jīng)歷中，年輕的法國大革命支持者因此發(fā)覺自己所為其工作的家庭立場(chǎng)恰好與他自己的立場(chǎng)完全對(duì)立。

The whole arrangement was bound to break down, and, sure enough, it eventually did. Apparently at first Hegel made a good impression on the family, and they got along quite well. (In the early stages of his stay in Berne, Hegel is mentioned approvingly in the family’s letters.)' Captain von Steiger even entrusted some oversight duties to him, and in one of Hegel’s letters at the time to Captain von Steiger, Hegel dutifully reports to him on household matters, on the return of a servant and von Steiger’s wife from a spa, on the progress of some workers at a gravel dig, and on a few other household matters.* Hegel therefore probably appeared to Captain von Steiger to be a man of good character, reliability, and standing, and certainly Hegel seems at first to have been trusted.^ But in contrast to the glowing mentions by Captain von Steiger about him, Hegel complained in a letter to Schelling that “I am not completely idle but my occupation, heterogeneous and often interrupted as it is, does not allow me to really come into my own,” thus echoing the typical Hofmeister’s complaint that he is forever at the arbitrary beck and call of his master and that his time is rarely his own.'? In any event, whatever amicable relations there had been between Hegel and Captain von Steiger at the outset of the arrangement seem to have withered away by the end of Hegel’s stay. Captain von Steiger’s brother remarked in a letter to him in November 1796 that he is “extremely displeased at the disagreement that the said Hegel has caused you,” that whatever it was that Hegel did was typical of Wiirttembergers, and that as a condition of not being so stupid “it’s necessary not to be [a Wiirttemberger].”" It thus seems that Hegel and the von Steigers were equally displeased with each other, and one can understand why.

? ? 家教協(xié)議必然會(huì)中止；毫無疑問，它最終中止了。顯然起初，黑格爾給這家留下了良好的印象，黑格爾和這家人相處甚為融洽。（在住在伯爾尼早期階段，黑格爾在這家人的通信中被以贊許的口吻提到過。）馮·施泰格爾上尉甚至委托他照料某些家庭事務(wù)，在黑格爾那時(shí)致馮·施泰格爾上尉一封信中，黑格爾盡職盡守地向他報(bào)告家庭事務(wù)：馮·施泰格爾夫人和仆人從礦泉療養(yǎng)地歸來、一些工人挖掘沙礫的進(jìn)展和幾件其他的家庭事務(wù)。黑格爾因此可能在馮·施泰格爾上尉看來像是一個(gè)品質(zhì)優(yōu)秀的可信賴的立場(chǎng)堅(jiān)定的人，當(dāng)然黑格爾似乎第一眼就使人對(duì)他產(chǎn)生信任感。但是與馮·施泰格爾上尉以熱烈贊揚(yáng)的口吻提及他截然不同，黑格爾在給謝林一封信中抱怨道：“我總是忙忙碌碌，但是我的工作，盡管五花八門和常常斷斷續(xù)續(xù)，卻不允許我真正合理取得屬于我自己的東西”，這因此反映著一種典型的家庭教師的抱怨，他永遠(yuǎn)唯主人之命是從，他的時(shí)間極少屬于他自己的。“無論如何，不管黑格爾與馮·施泰格爾上尉之間的關(guān)系在簽訂家庭教師協(xié)議之初多么親切友好，看來好像到黑格爾快要離開馮·施泰格爾上尉家時(shí)他跟上尉家人都已經(jīng)變得形同陌路。馮·施泰格爾上尉的兄弟1796年11月在致馮·施泰格爾上尉一封信中寫道：他“對(duì)由黑格爾促使你發(fā)表的不同看法極其生氣”；無論黑格爾做的什么都只有符騰堡人才干得出來；凡是愚不可及者“必然是[一個(gè)符騰堡人]”。因此看來好像，黑格爾和馮·施泰格爾家人相互交惡，人們能夠理解個(gè)中緣由。

The combination of generally depressing conditions involved in being a Hofmeister would probably by themselves have been enough to undermine the amicability of any such arrangement. That Hegel with his rather self-assertive personality might have been particularly unsuited for the position of Hofmeister had already been noted by the head of the Seminary at Tubingen. When von Steiger employed Hegel, the relevant authorities at the Seminary were not consulted about his appropriateness for the post, and in what seems to be an expression of pique about this, the Ephorus (head) of the Seminary, Ch. F. von Schnurrer, on learning of Hegel’s appointment, wrote to a friend in Holland that “I very much doubt whether [Hegel] has in the meantime learned to let himself patiently bear those sacrifices that always, at least at the beginning, are normally connected with the position of private tutor. He has been absent for almost the whole summer from the Seminary under the pretext of taking a cure, and his long residence at home, where he perhaps himself counts for more than his father, may surely be no real preparation for the not exactly unconstrained life of a Hofmeister."^^ Hegel’s rather headstrong nature (at least at this point in his life), to which Schnurrer s letter attests, only added fuel to what was already a combustible mixture.

? ? 通常因做家庭教師這份棘手工作而引起的五品俱全的令人沮喪狀況可能自然而然足以逐漸瓦解任何這樣的友好協(xié)議。性格剛強(qiáng)自用的黑格爾有可能特別不適合家庭教師這個(gè)職位，這早已被圖賓根神學(xué)院領(lǐng)導(dǎo)注意到了。當(dāng)馮·施泰格爾雇傭黑格爾的時(shí)候，神學(xué)院有關(guān)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)并沒有對(duì)他是不是適合這個(gè)職位發(fā)表看法，由于似乎對(duì)此事表示不快，神學(xué)院Epihorus（院長）Ch.F.施努雷爾在得知關(guān)于黑格爾簽約家庭教師時(shí)給一位荷蘭友人信中寫道：“我非常懷疑[黑格爾]是否在當(dāng)時(shí)已經(jīng)學(xué)會(huì)讓他自己能夠耐心地承受那些總是（至少在開始時(shí)）與家庭教師職位正常相連的犧牲。他打著治療身體的幌子兒乎缺席了神學(xué)院整個(gè)夏季學(xué)期；由于他長時(shí)間待在家中（在家里他自己或許比父親的地位更高），他確實(shí)沒有為并非完全自覺自愿的家庭教師生活真正做好準(zhǔn)備。”黑格爾頗為固執(zhí)的稟性（至少在他人生這個(gè)階段），這個(gè)被施努雷爾的信所證明了的稟性，只不過給已經(jīng)成為可以燃燒的東西再添一把火。

However, despite the irritations, there were some compensations for Hegel at the von Steiger household. The massive collections of the Berne library were just down the street from the von Steigers’ city house, and Hegel almost certainly took advantage of that fact. Perhaps more importantly, the von Steiger family had a private library second to none in Europe. The library had been built by Captain von Steiger’s father, and it concentrated on the literature of the French and English Enlightenment. Hegel’s own master. Captain von Steiger, had made no substantial additions to it himself, despite the fact that having failed in politics - he was unsuccessful in an attempt to become the equivalent of mayor - he had retreated into a life supposedly devoted to Bildung and art (at least that is what he told himself).'-’ Thus the library had had no substantial additions made to it since the time of the elder von Steiger, with the result that, although the library contained quite a bit of pre-Kantian literature, it contained no Kant per se, and, needless to say, not a trace of Fichte.''' Hegel almost certainly used the Steiger library as a resource for his studies (when he had free time). During his period in Berne, he read, for example. Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, and he may well have read it in Captain von Steiger’s librarv. He also began an intensive study of the British economists, particularly Sir James Steuart and, probably at the same time, Adam Smith, whose ideas almost immediately began to have an enormous impact on his thought.'’ Indeed, he no doubt became acquainted with British culture and literature during this period in a way that was to influence him all his life. Captain von Steiger’s father, Christoph Steiger, was an unabashed Anglophile, making trips to London, Oxford, and Cambridge, and he had amassed an enviable collection of Englishlanguage books in his library (190 books in all, ranging from the wellknown figures of English literature to political, historical, and economic writings)."’ Hegel, who still wanted to be a popular philosopher, began exploring the works of English modernity in the von Steiger library, and he was later able to incorporate many of the ideas he encountered there into his more mature writings.

? ? 然而，盡管有些讓人惱火的事，黑格爾在馮·施泰格爾家中卻也獲得一些補(bǔ)償。伯爾尼圖書館里收藏著大量書籍，剛好順著馮·施泰格爾城中住所前的街就可走到伯爾尼圖書館，而且黑格爾幾乎肯定利用過這個(gè)圖書館。大概更為重要的是，馮·施泰格爾家里有當(dāng)時(shí)歐洲首屆一指的私人圖書館。圖書館由馮·施泰格爾上尉父親建造，它收藏的法國和英國啟蒙運(yùn)動(dòng)文獻(xiàn)最全。黑格爾他自己的東家馮·施泰格爾上尉本人沒有給圖書館增添實(shí)質(zhì)性的書籍，盡管有著政治上失敗這個(gè)事實(shí)——他試圖當(dāng)上相當(dāng)于市長的官未能如愿——他一頭扎進(jìn)一種據(jù)稱致力于教養(yǎng)和藝術(shù)的生活（至少這是他自我表白的），因而這個(gè)圖書館自馮·施泰格爾年邁以來沒有增添實(shí)質(zhì)性的書籍，結(jié)果是，圖書館中藏有很多前康德時(shí)期文獻(xiàn)典籍，但是圖書館中未藏有康德本人著作，不用說，就連費(fèi)希特著作的影子也看不到。黑格爾幾乎肯定把施泰格爾圖書館當(dāng)作他研究資料的來源使用（當(dāng)他有空閑時(shí)間的時(shí)候就到圖書館中看書）。舉例來說，在伯爾尼期間，他閱讀過吉本的《羅馬帝國衰亡史》，而且他可能在馮·施泰格爾上尉圖書館仔細(xì)地閱讀過《羅馬帝國衰亡史》。他同樣也著手對(duì)不列顛經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家特別是圣詹姆斯·斯圖亞特可能同時(shí)還有亞當(dāng)·斯密做了密切研究，這兩位經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家的思想幾乎立刻開始對(duì)他的思想產(chǎn)生巨大影響。實(shí)際上，他在這段時(shí)間無疑通過一種必將影響他一生的方式來了解不列顛的文化和文學(xué)。馮·施泰格爾上尉的父親克里斯托夫·施泰格爾是一位公開的親英派，曾到過倫敦、牛津和劍橋旅行；他搜集到了令人羨慕的英文書籍并藏于他的圖書館中（總共190本，涉及從眾所周知的英國文學(xué)人物到政治作品、歷史作品和經(jīng)濟(jì)作品）。黑格爾，一心想做一名通俗哲學(xué)家的黑格爾，著手仔細(xì)研究馮·施泰格爾圖書館中英國現(xiàn)代性著作，他后來得以把在那里偶然讀到的很多思想融入他更為成熟的著作。

There were also other compensations and gratifications to Bernese life. Hegel made friends with a fellow Stuttgarter, a painter named Johann Valentin Sonnenschein. They spent happy evenings together with acquaintances at Sonnenschein’s place, often singing together around the piano one of the pre-Beethoven settings of Schiller’s poem “Ode to Joy.” Hegel also reported to Schelling in a letter that he had made the acquaintance of a Silesian, Konrad Engelbert Oelsner, who had been reporting from Paris in the German journal Minerva on the events of the Revolution, and who himself had already begun to despair about the course that the Revolution had been taking in the years since the uprising of 1789.’’ (Oelsner himself was later to remark in reference to a translation of the Abbe Sieyes’ work by another later acquaintance of Hegel’s, Johann Gottfried Ebel, that “the burgher of Frejus and the teacher of Konigsberg form an immense chain of thought, from the coasts of the Mediterranean to the Baltic Sea. Calvin and Luther, Sieyes and Kant, a Frenchman and a German, reform the world.”'* Such ideas were to become part of Hegel’s own repertoire.) In May of 1795, Hegel visited Geneva; in July of 1796 he took a long hike in the Bernese Alps with some fellow Germans. (Hegel’s recorded impressions of the hike are revealing: The young follower of Rousseau found that although Nature as an idea excited him, nature as a reality did not; for the rest of his life, he was almost always to prefer urban life to the life of the great outdoors, however much in his youth he continued at least to profess a kind of Rousseauian appreciation for Nature.)

? ? 對(duì)于伯爾尼生活還得到其他的補(bǔ)償和滿足。黑格爾同斯圖加特一個(gè)同齡人建立了友誼，他是一位名叫約翰·瓦倫·松嫩沙因的畫家。他們倆與一些熟人在松嫩沙因住處共同度過很多愉快的夜晚，常常圍著鋼琴一起演唱席勒詩貝多芬曲的《歡樂頌》。黑格爾同樣也在一封信中向謝林匯報(bào)他結(jié)識(shí)一個(gè)名叫康拉德·恩格爾貝，厄斯納的西里西亞人，他在德國《密諾瓦》雜志上報(bào)道了來自巴黎的法國大革命事件，他本人已經(jīng)開始對(duì)法國大革命自1789年起義以來的歲月里一直在采取的行動(dòng)方針感到絕望”（厄斯納本人后來在提到由黑格爾的后來另一個(gè)熟人約翰，戈特弗里德·埃貝爾翻譯的阿貝·西哀士著作時(shí)評(píng)論道：“弗雷瑞斯的市民和柯尼斯堡的教師構(gòu)想出一個(gè)從地中海沿岸到波羅的海龐大的思想鏈。加爾文和路德，西哀士和康德，一個(gè)法國人和一個(gè)德國人，改造了世界。”“這樣的思想注定成為黑格爾自己整個(gè)思想的組成部分。）在1795年5月，黑格爾訪問了日內(nèi)瓦；1796年7月，他和一些德國同胞在阿爾卑斯山伯爾尼段進(jìn)行了長途徒步旅行。（黑格爾就這次徒步旅行所記錄的感想表明：這位年輕的盧梭追隨者發(fā)覺，大自然作為思想使他興奮但是作為現(xiàn)實(shí)的自然卻沒有使他興奮；在他一生中，他幾乎總是更愛都市生活而非廣闊的野外生活，不管在年輕時(shí)他多么一直至少表示一種盧梭主義的對(duì)大自然的欣賞。）

The Revolution and its implications, however, dominated much of his thought. In Germany, all the various discontents that had been welling up for years were beginning to take on a new significance for the Germans themselves in the light of the French Revolution, and, naturally enough, there were many articles and discussions about whether an event such as the Revolution could happen in Germany itself. There were those who argued that the Germans were too religious and that the so-called Third Estate that had existed and led the revolution in France (at least in the way that Abbe Sieyes described it) did not have the same status in Germany; there were also German Jacobins who hoped for a full-dress upheaval in the German principalities. Like other Germans (and like Oelsner himself), Hegel was beginning to experience some consternation about what was going on in France.? Hegel’s own Girondist sympathies were strengthened when he learned of the guillotining of Carrier; in a letter to Schelling, he concluded that it “has revealed the complete baseness of Robespierre’s party.”'’ However, Hegel s basic stance towards the events and issues surrounding the Revolution continued to be the one that he had developed in Tubingen. The Revolution held out the possibility of moral and spiritual renewal of what he understood to be the corruption of German social and cultural life. His earlier interest in what would be required generally for there to be the kind of moral and spiritual renewal he longed for became increasingly connected to considerations of the ways in which social institutions and practices had to be changed if such renewal were even to be possible. In particular, the ecclesiastical orthodoxy ruling Wiirttemberg in general and Tubingen in particular began to seem more and more onerous. In a letter to Schelling, he concluded that “orthodoxy is not to be shaken as long as the profession of it is bound up with worldly advantage and interwoven with the totality of a state.Using the watchwords that he and his Tubingen friends had used at the university, he declaimed to Schelling, “May the kingdom of God come, and our hands not be idle. . . . Reason and freedom remain our password, and the invisible church our rallying point.

? ? 然而法國大革命及其蘊(yùn)含的東西大體上支配著他的思想。在德國，所有多年來一直在涌現(xiàn)的各色各類的不滿開始使德國人根據(jù)法國大革命來賦予自己一種新的重要性，十分自然地出現(xiàn)了很多關(guān)于諸如法國大革命這樣的事件是不是可能在德國本土發(fā)生這樣的文章和探討。有些人堅(jiān)稱，德國過于宗教化了，那（至少以阿貝，西哀士所描述的方式）早已存在且導(dǎo)致法國大革命的所謂第三等級(jí)在德國不具有相同的地位；還有德國的雅各賓俱樂部成員希望德國公國天下大亂。像其他德國人（像厄斯納自己）一樣，黑格爾開始對(duì)法國何去何從感到某種驚恐。黑格爾在得知卡里耶上了斷頭臺(tái)時(shí)增強(qiáng)了自己對(duì)吉倫特派的同情；在致謝林信中，他斷定卡里耶之死“使得羅伯斯比爾派的卑劣行為暴露無遺”。可是黑格爾對(duì)于圍繞法國大革命的事件和問題所持的基本立場(chǎng)繼續(xù)堅(jiān)持他在圖賓根時(shí)所闡明的立場(chǎng)：法國大革命證明人們有可能使他所理解的德國社會(huì)生活和文化生活的腐敗在道德重生和精神重生。他早期對(duì)人們應(yīng)該普遍要求的那種被他渴望的道德和精神上脫胎換骨的東西非常感興趣，這樣的興趣日益變得是與人們借以考慮必須改變社會(huì)制度和習(xí)俗的方式相聯(lián)系的，如果說這樣的重生注定是完全可能的話。特別是，那通常統(tǒng)治著符騰堡特別是統(tǒng)治著圖賓根的教會(huì)正統(tǒng)觀念開始顯得使人們思想上越來越不堪重負(fù)。在一封致謝林信中，他斷定“正統(tǒng)信仰必定是不會(huì)動(dòng)搖的，條件是對(duì)正統(tǒng)信仰的表示是和世俗的利益有密切關(guān)系的，是和整個(gè)國家交織在一起的。”借助使用那被他及其圖賓根朋友在大學(xué)里使用的暗語，他向謝林傾訴說：“上帝王國可能到來，我們的雙手不可能閑著不動(dòng)……理性和自由仍然是我們的口令、看不見的教堂仍然是我們的聚集點(diǎn)。”

Nonetheless, during this period Hegel continued to see the Revolution and his own attempt at playing a role in it in Germany in terms of a new Reformation. In light of his new dedication to Kantianism, he remarked to Schelling: “From the Kantian philosophy and its highest completion I expect a revolution in Germany. It will proceed from principles that are present and that only need to be elaborated generally and applied to all hitherto existing knowledge.Of course, Hegel was not really imagining the masses, armed with Kant’s Critiques, storming some German Bastille as much as he was looking for a system of thought that would unite politics and religion and lead to the establishment of something like the idealized Greek polls that he and friends had first begun to imagine in Tubingen. Still, he found that whatever his ambitions, he was getting nowhere; to Schelling, he raised his usual lament: “My remoteness from various and sundry books and the limitation on my time do not allow me to work out many of the ideas that I carry around with me.”^^

? ? 然而，在這個(gè)時(shí)期，根據(jù)新的宗教改革，黑格爾繼續(xù)領(lǐng)會(huì)法國大革命和他自己在法國大革命期間嘗試在德國扮演的角色。鑒于他對(duì)康德哲學(xué)的新奉獻(xiàn)，他對(duì)謝林說：“從康德哲學(xué)問世到它達(dá)到鼎盛時(shí)期，我期待著期間在德國出現(xiàn)一場(chǎng)革命。德國革命離不開一些原理，這些原理只不過通常需要被詳盡闡述和被應(yīng)用于所有迄今為止的知識(shí)。”當(dāng)然，黑格爾確實(shí)并不設(shè)想那用康德的《批判》武裝起來的民眾強(qiáng)攻德國的巴士底監(jiān)獄，同樣他也確實(shí)沒有尋找一種這樣的思想體系，它將會(huì)使政治和宗教結(jié)合起來，將會(huì)致使像那理想化的希臘城邦一樣的東西得以建立，他及其朋友首次在圖賓根時(shí)期開始設(shè)想出這種理想化的希臘城邦。更有甚者的是，他發(fā)覺不管他抱有何種志向，他都找不到任何實(shí)現(xiàn)志向的地方；對(duì)謝林，他通常只是抱怨：“我和各種不同的書籍沾不上邊，受時(shí)間的限制使我不能夠提出我隨時(shí)可以形成的很多想法。”

Disappointed with his own lack of progress and feeling isolated, Hegel had also acquired a clear and distinct disdain for the corruption of the aristocratic Bernese system he was seeing at close hand, noting to Schelling that “to get to know an aristocratic constitution one must have gone through a winter such as is encountered here before” the Bernese go through their charade of elections.His absolute scorn for the inequities and half-witted ways of the Bernese oligarchy and its political system - which, as a member of the von Steiger household, he got to observe firsthand — led him to translate and publish (with an attached, anonymous commentary) a pamphlet written by a Frenchspeaking Swiss, Jean-Jacques Cart, in which the Bernese aristocracy was castigated as being the oppressor of the inhabitants of the Vaud in full violation of all their traditional rights. What interested Hegel was Cart’s story about the decline of freedom in the Vaud; The people of the Vaud were initially a free people but gradually lost their freedom, not because of any lack of virtue on their own part but simply and solely because of German-speaking Bernese oppression. In his commentary, Hegel noted that although the people of the Vaud had been given tax relief to compensate them for their loss of freedom, such compensation is necessarily completely unsatisfactory for all those who genuinely value freedom. Those who assert that tax relief adequately compensates the loss of freedom only show, Hegel said with no small distaste, “how it is still very generally believed that enjoying no civil rights at all counts for much less than having a few less Thalers yearly in one’s wallet.In the commentary, Hegel also heaped praise on the American revolutionaries: “The taxes that the English parliament put on tea imported into America were extremely small; however, what made the American revolution was the Americans’ feeling that the wholly insignificant sum that the taxes would have cost them would at the same time have been the loss of their most important rights.Hegel also commented (no doubt on the basis of personal experience) on the complete lack of any real legality in Berne, something only barely obscured by the pretense of what passed for legal process in the city. Hegel published the pamphlet anonymously in 1798 (after he had left Berne and was living in Frankfurt); it was his first published work. (Curiously enough, Hegel told very few people about this episode; when Hegel’s own copy of the pamphlet was discovered among his personal papers after his death, even his own family did not know that it had been written by him, and it was auctioned off as an anonymous work.)

? ? 黑格爾對(duì)打不開局面大失所望，感到孤立無援，同時(shí)顯然確實(shí)也蔑視他眼皮底下的伯爾尼貴族制度的腐敗，他向謝林著重強(qiáng)調(diào)：“為著手了解貴族體制，人們諒必度過了整整一個(gè)冬天，例如人們通常應(yīng)該在‘伯爾尼人完成他們的選舉游戲’之前住在伯爾尼。”他對(duì)伯爾尼寡頭統(tǒng)治及其政治制度的不公平和弱智方式的極端鄙視——這樣的不公平和弱智方式是他作為一名馮·施泰格爾家成員經(jīng)常直接觀察到的——致使他去翻譯和出版（附有匿名評(píng)論的）由講法語瑞士人讓雅克·卡特撰寫的小冊(cè)子，在這本小冊(cè)子中伯爾尼貴族遭到嚴(yán)厲批評(píng)，因?yàn)樗麄冏鳛閵W州居民的壓迫者完全違背了奧州居民全部的傳統(tǒng)權(quán)利。使黑格爾發(fā)生興趣的是卡特關(guān)于奧州自由衰微的描述：奧州人起初是自由民但后來逐漸失去了自由，原因不在于他們身上缺乏美德而只是且唯獨(dú)在于他們受到講德語的伯爾尼人壓迫。在評(píng)論中，黑格爾強(qiáng)調(diào)指出，奧州人可免繳稅賦以此作為對(duì)他們失去自由的補(bǔ)償，但是這樣的補(bǔ)償對(duì)于所有那些真心珍視自由的人來說未必是完全令人滿意的。凡是斷言減免稅賦足以抵償失去自由的人都只不過表明，黑格爾帶著極其反感的口吻說道，“人們?nèi)绾稳匀煌ǔＯ嘈磐耆珱]有享有公民權(quán)利的人數(shù)遠(yuǎn)低于每年錢包里只有少得可憐泰勒的人數(shù)。”在評(píng)論中，黑格爾同樣對(duì)美國革命大加贊揚(yáng)：“那被英國議會(huì)對(duì)進(jìn)口美國茶葉征收的稅額是微乎其微的；不過，導(dǎo)致美國革命的是使美國人覺得，雖然這筆茶葉稅比起他們自己花費(fèi)的總金額是完全微不足道的，但是同時(shí)卻使他們自己?jiǎn)适Я俗钪匾臋?quán)利。”黑格爾還（無疑基于個(gè)人經(jīng)驗(yàn)）評(píng)論道，伯爾尼完全缺乏任何真正的合法性，這種狀況僅僅被當(dāng)作伯爾尼城訴訟程序的東西這一幌子勉強(qiáng)掩蓋住了。黑格爾1798年（此時(shí)他已離開伯爾尼居住在法蘭克福）匿名發(fā)表了這個(gè)小冊(cè)子；它是他首個(gè)發(fā)表的著作。（十分奇怪，黑格爾只對(duì)很少人說過這個(gè)小插曲；當(dāng)黑格爾自己的這本小冊(cè)子原譯稿在他死后被從他手稿中發(fā)現(xiàn)的時(shí)候，甚至就連他自己的家人也都不知道它出自他的手筆，它被當(dāng)作一本匿名著作拍賣掉了。）

Probably generational conflicts too were being mirrored in Hegel’s distaste for the Bernese. He and his father had hotly disputed the Revolution, with his father — a non-noble minor functionary in a ducal court - taking the side of the aristocrats. In the Bernese system, Hegel would have thought he was seeing the full working out of what his father advocated. All the worse, he must have thought to himself.

? ? 很可能兩代人的沖突也正反映在了黑格爾對(duì)伯爾尼人的反感上。他和父親曾就法國大革命問題發(fā)生過激烈爭(zhēng)論，因?yàn)樗母赣H——一個(gè)大公國法院中地位卑微的職員——站在貴族一邊。通過伯爾尼的體制，黑格爾當(dāng)然認(rèn)為完全看清了父親擁護(hù)的東西。最糟糕的是，他想必自以為他自己的想法是正確的。

The picture of Hegel’s situation that emerges is, of course, fairly comical. Hegel the young revolutionary, devoted to Bildiing^ imagining himself a man of letters, finding himself living with an arch-reactionary family opposed to the Revolution and which pretentiously thinks of itself as devoted to Bildung, all the w hile failing to keep its great private library current with the latest in philosophy; and, having no real free time to write anything very original, the young Hofmeister secretly translating in his free time an anti-Bernese pamphlet attacking the quasi-feudal system from which that very family profits (all the while singing “Freude, schone Gdtterfunken” at Sonnenschein’s residence).

? ? 黑格爾處境的真實(shí)寫照當(dāng)然相當(dāng)滑稽可笑，黑格爾這位年輕的革命者，獻(xiàn)身于教育，自以為是文人，發(fā)覺自己生活在一個(gè)極端反動(dòng)的與法國大革命勢(shì)不兩立的家庭里，這樣一個(gè)家庭還煞有介事地把它當(dāng)作獻(xiàn)身于教育看待，卻一直未能使它私人大圖書館收藏當(dāng)前最新的哲學(xué)書籍；由于沒有真正的空閑時(shí)間去寫任何極具原創(chuàng)性的東西，這個(gè)年輕的家庭教師在空余時(shí)間秘密地翻譯一本反伯爾尼人的小冊(cè)子，這本小冊(cè)子抨擊了恰是有益于他家庭標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的封建制度（這個(gè)年輕的家庭教師在松嫩沙因住處時(shí)一直在吟唱“愉快的美好的神的火花”（席勒《歡樂頌》））。

Hegel, however, was in no position to see any comedy in the situation. In his letter to Schelling, he laments his “remoteness from the showplaces of literary activity” and describes how he “l(fā)ongs very much for a situation - not in Tubingen - where I could bring to fruition what I formerly let slip by, and could even on occasion set my hand to work.”^’ In stark contrast with his own isolated, unproductive existence in Berne, his old friend Schelling had in the meantime left Tubingen and staged a meteoric rise in German intellectual life after having landed at Jena, where the philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte was electrifying packed audiences with his thoughts on the development of post-Kantian philosophy. Holderlin had already written Hegel about his having attended Fichte’s overwhelmingly popular lectures at Jena, and Schelling continued to write him enthusiastic letters about all the things he had read, was reading, and was thinking about (Kant, Fichte, the nature of self - all of the things Hegel was wishing he could read and write about himself). Hegel could only dejectedly reply to Schelling that he was just getting around to looking at these things, and, despondent about his own lack of progress, note to Schelling that in contrast with Schelling’s astounding productivity and early fame, “my works are not worth speaking of."

? ? 可是，黑格爾不可能看出這種處境下的任何帶有喜劇色彩的東西。在他致謝林信中，他哀嘆自己“遠(yuǎn)離了文學(xué)活動(dòng)舞臺(tái)”并描述他多么“十分渴望謀得一個(gè)職位——不是在圖賓根謀得一個(gè)職位——由于這個(gè)職位我可以去享受我以前錯(cuò)過的東西，甚至可能有機(jī)會(huì)著手工作。”與他自己在伯爾尼孤立無援、碌碌無為的生存形成鮮明對(duì)比，他的老友謝林與此同時(shí)離開了圖賓根，到了耶拿后在德國知識(shí)界迅速聲名鵲起，在耶拿哲學(xué)家約翰·哥特利布·費(fèi)希特因其關(guān)于后康德哲學(xué)發(fā)展的思想成果使?jié)鷿?jì)一堂的聽眾非常興奮。荷爾德林早已寫信告訴黑格爾他在耶拿聽了費(fèi)希特的極受歡迎的講座；謝林繼續(xù)寫給他熱情洋溢的信件，信中講到所有他那時(shí)已讀正在讀正在思考的東西（康德、費(fèi)希特、自我的本質(zhì)——所有的黑格爾希望他自己能夠讀到和寫到的東西）。黑格爾只能沮喪地回復(fù)謝林，他只是在著手考察這些東西；由于對(duì)他自己原地徘徊感到沮喪，他向謝林強(qiáng)調(diào)指出，與謝林令人驚嘆的著述甚豐和少年成名相比，“我的著作不值一提”。

Hegel’s depressed mood was evident, and both Holderlin and Schelling picked it up in his letters. Seeking to help his old friend, Holderlin began looking for a position for Hegel in Frankfurt; discovering that a prosperous wine merchant, Gogel, was seeking a Hofmeister for his children, Holderlin managed to maneuver an offer of the job to Hegel.? He announced this triumphantly to Hegel: the working conditions, he told Hegel, are really quite good, and “you will drink very good Rhine wine or French wine at the table. You will live at one of the most beautiful houses in Frankfurt, on one of the most beautiful squares in the city, Rossmarktplatz.” His employers, the Gogel family, are, Holderlin assured him, quite sociable, “free of pretension and prejudice,” who “prefer not to associate with Frankfurt society folk, with their stiff ways and poverty of heart and spirit.”^’ And, of course, best of all, the position is in Frankfurt^ a bustling commercial center. Indeed, Hblderlin assured Hegel, “by next spring you will once again become the old man” (his nickname at Tubingen).The deep emotion Holderlin felt about being able to reunite with his old friend was only too evident: I am, he told Hegel, “a man who has remained faithful to you in heart, memory, and spirit despite rather variegated transformations in his situation and character, who will be your friend more deeply and warmly than ever, who will freely and willingly share every moment of life with you, whose situation lacks nothing but you to complete its happiness ... I truly need you, dear friend, and I believe you will be capable of needing me as well.”

? ? 黑格爾情緒消沉是非常明顯的，荷爾德林和謝林兩人在信中對(duì)此都有所提及。為試圖幫助老友，荷爾德林著手為黑格爾在法蘭克福尋找一個(gè)職位；在發(fā)現(xiàn)一個(gè)富裕的葡萄酒商戈格爾在為子女尋找一名家庭教師后，荷爾德林就設(shè)法為黑格爾弄到這份工作。他洋洋得意地對(duì)黑格爾說：工作條件確實(shí)很好，他告訴黑格爾，“你可以在餐桌上飲上好萊茵葡萄酒或法國葡萄酒。你將住上法蘭克福最漂亮房子，坐擁城中最美麗的廣場(chǎng)之一羅斯馬克特廣場(chǎng)”，他的雇主戈格爾一家，荷爾德林向他保證，很喜歡交際，“不圖虛榮沒有偏見”，這家人“寧可不與法蘭克福人交往，也不愿忍受他們傲慢作風(fēng)和心靈與精神的貧困。”當(dāng)然，這個(gè)地點(diǎn)是全法蘭克福最好的，地處繁華商業(yè)中心。實(shí)際上，荷爾德林向黑格爾保證，“到下一個(gè)春天你將會(huì)復(fù)又成為老人”（他在圖賓根的綽號(hào)）。這種為荷爾德林對(duì)于將能與老友重聚所意識(shí)到的深深情感是非常明顯的：他告訴黑格爾，我是“一個(gè)依然在心中在記憶里在精神上忠誠于你的人，盡管他的處境和品格發(fā)生了脫胎換骨的變化，但是這個(gè)人卻愿成為你比以前更深沉更熱情的朋友，這個(gè)人將自由地自愿地與你分享生命中的每一時(shí)刻，這個(gè)人的處境中只是有了你才有完滿的快樂……我真的需要你，親愛的朋友；我相信你也將會(huì)需要我。”

Hblderlin warmly concluded: “I would still have much to tell you, but your coming here must be the preface to a long, long, interesting, imscholarly book by you and me.”^’ Holderlin, already undergoing much personal difficulty in his own life, clearly was looking forward to Hegel, his truest friend, joining him in Frankfurt.

? ? 荷爾德林在這封信結(jié)尾處動(dòng)情地寫道：“我仍然將有很多東西要告訴你，但是你的到來必然成為一篇由你我撰寫的書的序言，而且這本很長很長的書是非常有趣的無學(xué)究味的。”荷爾德林，已經(jīng)歷經(jīng)了生活中許多個(gè)人困難的荷爾德林，顯然在期待著黑格爾這位他最忠實(shí)的朋友與他相聚法蘭克福。